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Heritage matters in crisis informatics: how information and communication technology can support legacies of crisis events

Sophia B. Liu, Leysia Palen and Elisa Giaccardi

Abstract:

Information and communication technologies increasingly enable the capture of experiences that result from disaster and mass emergency events. The social and cultural value of such traces, when collectively generated and shared across people and over time, can enhance or even dramatically change how we remember crises. By drawing from several disciplines concerned with digital heritage, and using investigations from three historically significant disasters, we offer an agenda for how information science and human-centered computing communities might conceptualize digital heritage as an emergent research effort in the crisis domain.

Key words

Bhopal gas leak

computer-mediated communication

crisis informatics

cultural heritage

digital heritage

Hurricane Katrina

September 11 attacks

socially distributed curation

social media

Introduction

Innovative uses of ubiquitous information and communication technology (ICT) such as social media (e.g., Facebook and Twitter) increasingly occur in the immediate warning and response phase of a crisis (e.g. Palen et al., 2009; Starbird et al., 2010). However, the role of social media for crisis events outside of the emergency phase is still not well understood. What happens to the information space for historic crises a year later, a decade later, or even a generation later? Do these crises have an information space online via social media? If so, how are historic crises being commemorated through social media? These questions speak to the heritage of historic crisis events emerging in the social media landscape.

ICTs are creating new ways for capturing, curating, and preserving the heritage of historic crisis events. Heritage in its broadest definitional sense refers to not only the tangible artifacts that societies leave behind, but also their intangible features (Silberman, 2008; Smith, 2006), which include traditions, customs, values, and oral histories. Ubiquitous personal memory devices and social media applications and services (e.g. multimedia recorders, camera phones, online calendars, e-mail systems, online media sharing, and social networking sites) are changing the methods of capture, storage, management, retrieval, and distribution of digital traces. An imminent feature of these changes in capture and downstream activities is how future societies might experience today’s digitally captured data as components of cultural heritage.

This chapter begins with an anthropological view of heritage and how this connects with other disciplinary views of heritage. Illustrations of narratives and other heritage-related activities drawn from our empirical study from three disaster events follow. We conclude with a provision of items that articulate a research agenda for considering digital heritage concerns in the context of crisis information management.

Disaster as a social process

Current research attention in the area of crisis informatics tends to focus on ICT-based activity during the emergency period (e.g., Hagar and Haythornthwaite, 2005; Landgren, 2006; Palen and Liu, 2007; Palen et al., 2009; Starbird et al., 2010). The emergency period is an important time period for such research study. However, the times before, after, and even long after a hazard impacts a region are periods when individual and social behaviors can also be influenced by new forms of computermediated interaction.

Furthermore, disaster anthropologists Oliver-Smith and Hoffman (2001) argue that disasters should not just be considered an event but also a socially constructed process with multiple interpretations of the crisis. By viewing a crisis or disaster as a social process, the ‘historically produced pattern of “vulnerability,” evidenced in the location, infrastructure, sociopolitical organization, production and distribution systems, and ideology of a society’ becomes more visible (Oliver-Smith and Hoffman, 2001: 3). Recognizing these patterns of vulnerability strengthen a society’s capacity to anticipate, mitigate, cope with, and recover from the impact of a crisis. Therefore, our aim is to take a long view of crises to uncover the ways in which social media is being used to communicate the multiple interpretations of a crisis event/ process, as well as to uncover the patterns of vulnerability that led to the crisis.

Living heritage and collective memory practices

Scholars from the heritage studies field conceptualize heritage in a similar way by considering the continuous nature of heritage. For example, contemporary heritage scholars view heritage as a ‘living entity’ (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004), which needs to be sustained through a continuous process of interpretation. We also consider Byrne’s (2008) new model of ‘heritage as social action,’ where people are seen as ‘active owners and modifiers of culture’ (p. 162). The volumes Theorizing Digital Cultural Heritage (Cameron and Kenderdine, 2007) and New Heritage (Kalay et al., 2008) broaden the definition of cultural heritage in the digital media landscape by addressing its complex relationship to social, political. and economic issues. Giaccardi and Palen (2008) also elaborate on how new media are beginning to stimulate novel forms of cultural interpretation and production, thus enabling new categories of cultural objects to be imagined and created.

Human–computer interaction researchers have begun to discuss issues around collective memory that speak to how we might connect it to heritage issues. Churchill and Ubois’s (2008) idea of a ‘prospective retrospective’ curatorial logic – that is, the ability to anticipate what we will want to remember in the future – speaks to the multi-temporal aspect of heritage. Similarly, Sas and Dix (2006) discuss issues concerning how we might design technology for ‘collective remembering.’ Friedman’s call to design ‘multi-lifespan information systems’ (Friedman and Nathan, 2010) expresses a similar interest in preserving knowledge for the benefit of future generations.

In this chapter, we use the ideas of disaster as a social process, ‘living’ heritage, and collective memory in the digital context as the foundation for describing heritage practices taking place in the social media landscape.

Overview of the research project

To understand the heritage issues emerging from online social media culture around historically significant disasters, we conducted this research project in three phases. In Phase 1, we considered what types of social media services to focus on when studying the crisis domain. In Phase 2, we conducted a survey of social media presence for over 100 disasters (Liu, 2011). In Phase 3, we chose three crisis events based on the surveyed data and used virtual ethnographic methods to conduct an analysis of the narratives that are present in current-day communications of social media. In this chapter, we restrict our discussion to an overview of Phase 3.

For each of the three crisis cases, the first author conducted in-depth qualitative research using ‘virtual ethnographic’ techniques (Hine, 2005). As an online participant observer, she joined each social media service and observed the activity related to each crisis event. Cultural artifacts created by users of these services, such as a Facebook group’s wall posts, Flickr photos, YouTube videos, and blog posts were collected and analyzed. She collected web-accessible information generated during noteworthy times of commemoration and cultural action activities, specifically around anniversary dates. The first author also conducted phone, e-mail, and instant messaging interviews with selected participants to better understand the reasons for their participation. Fifty people in total were interviewed: 18 for the Bhopal gas leak, 16 for the September 11 attacks, and 16 for Hurricane Katrina. We used Curio and MacJournal to organize the vast and varied data collected from each website and participant. For this paper, we asked participants if they did or did not want their names disclosed (some active online communicators prefer to have their comments attached to their online personas). We did not use names for those who could not be contacted or who wanted to stay anonymous.

During data analysis, we coded and categorized the data guided by theoretical concepts from literature in studies of heritage and disaster anthropology. In addition, other categories emerged during the analysis. Our aim was to understand how social media users participate in heritage-related activity with digital media, particularly in the crisis domain. This led to the documentation of the different narratives about each crisis event.

Three crisis cases

In this section, we present the findings for the three crises that exhibited a significant social media presence. We chose the Bhopal gas leak because it is a technological hazard that took place before the web was launched. We chose the September 11 attacks because it is a human-instigated event with a complex political backdrop that occurred before the rise of web-based social media. Lastly, we chose Hurricane Katrina because the crisis arose from a natural hazard that occurred at the beginning of the social media age. The different types of hazard agents and the timeframes in which they occurred vis-a-vis networked technological innovation yields insight about how historical events can be ‘revived’ or captured in real time using today’s available ICT.

For each disaster, we present a simplified account of each disaster, followed by a more complex set of narratives as told by participants in social media venues. In this chapter, we focus on a reduced set of three types of narratives or themes as a matter of scope. We first present narratives from witnesses who experienced the tragedy firsthand. Second, we present narratives explaining the potential causes of the disaster. Third, we present narratives about how these disasters are understood to be ongoing.

The case of the 1984 Bhopal gas leak

On December 3, 1984, over 40 tons of gas leaked from the Union Carbide pesticide plant in Bhopal, India. The number of deaths remains debated; official estimates by the Indian Government are 3,787 immediate deaths and 11,000 casualties (Browning, 1993), but others estimate as many as 6,000 to 8,000 immediate deaths and as many as 200,000 people suffering from long-term health problems (Eckerman, 2005; Perrow, 2007). The current death toll is estimated to be around 25,000 and rising due to gas exposure to half a million Bhopalis. Many consider the Bhopal gas leak to be the world’s worst industrial disaster.

Bhopal survivor stories of protective action and heroism

Stories from and about the survivors of the Bhopal disaster depict what happened on the night of the gas leak and its aftermath from a survivor’s point of view. These stories are resurfacing on Facebook, particularly in the Students for Bhopal group’s discussion board, as well as in some blog posts and YouTube videos. Such stories explain protective actions that were taken or could have been taken during the gas leak and even contain accounts of heroism.

In July 2008, Sachin Jain shared his survivor story in the Facebook group discussion topic he created called ‘What’s your story … on the fateful night of Dec 3, 1984?’1 As his family ran from the gas, he remembered how ‘somebody suggested to go near the lakes as the gas is soluble in water [and] so the amount of gas in the air there would be less.’ Similarly, a medical officer who previously worked at the plant told people that night, ‘If you have to go outside, go against the wind. To dissolve the gas, put a wet cloth on your face and along your doors and windows to prevent gas from leaking into the house.’ Such protective actions could have saved thousands of lives, and this is arguably one reason people share and distribute such stories – to learn from the past. They are now recounted in Facebook posts and in the BBC’s One Night in Bhopal docudrama, which can be found on YouTube.2

Jain also remembers a story about a night watchman at the Union Carbide plant who first noticed the leak. He writes:

If he had gone to inform anybody, the amount of gas leaked by then would have killed everyone in the city … The only way out was to stop the outflow at the very moment. He put his finger in the valve [and] shouted for help … The man died. If that man would not have done this, I would not have been writing this. But to hide the facts, his deed was buried deep in the bureaucratic shit. But he’s my personal hero.

Elsewhere, a ‘heroic story of a station master’ appeared on a blog post by Mani Padma entitled ‘Survivor story – Bhopal Gas tragedy.’3 Upon realizing the severity of the gas leak, the train station master ‘valiantly attempted to signal all trains not to stop … [and] kept on at his post trying to contact stations to stop entering the city instead of fleeing and taking cover and in the process he lost his life.’ Though such stories about the heroes that emerged from the crisis exist, they are not as frequent as the ‘horror’ stories from ‘victims.’

Research on Bhopal gas leak in Wikipedia

For this study, we interviewed the main contributor of the ‘Bhopal disaster’ Wikipedia article,4 Ingrid Eckerman, who made nearly 17 percent of the edits. In addition to being a family physician and having existing ties to the Bhopali medical community, she researched and synthesized known facts between the 1960s and 2003 about the disaster (Eckerman, 2005), which was the basis for her Wikipedia activity. In an e-mail interview, Eckerman explains the state of affairs before she began her Wikipedia work:

There were very little facts about the disaster itself, the consequences etc. The interest was in compensation, legal issues and pollution – which started AFTER the disaster. Much of it was about the last years. The information about the disaster itself was rudimentary. The facts that were there were not always true, often exaggerated. Also, there was a mess of the references … It was not trustworthy; it was also considered ‘POV’ [point of view].

She used the content and structure of her book to contribute to the account of the pre-event phase, the gas leak ‘impact’ phase, and the immediate post-event phase of the disaster.

One question often raised about technological disasters is whether it was preventable (Perrow, 1999, 2007). The physical cause of the gas leak was water leaking into a methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas tank; it is still debated whether this was an operator error or an act of sabotage. Still, many warning signs have been documented indicating that a disaster would inevitably happen, with Wikipedia contributors listing such signs as appearing as early as 1976. Many explicit warnings occurred in 1982, when a safety audit by US engineers recorded the neglected condition of the plant. Some believe that the disaster could have been mitigated had warnings been heeded. Others argue that globalization is the root cause of industrial disasters (Eckerman, 2005; Perrow, 1999, 2007).

The unfinished story of Bhopal

Many consider the Bhopal gas leak to be an ongoing disaster. It not only killed three generations of people in some families but it also harmed subsequent generations: many of the children born of gas-affected parents suffer from chronic health problems. Adil Laiq Ahmed, a Bhopali born after the gas leak, treats the Bhopal tragedy as an ongoing disaster in the names he gives for his Facebook group and page (‘Bhopal GaS Tragedy [25,000+ dead and counting]’ and ‘The Unfinished Story of Bhopal 1984’). An interview with Debosmita Nandy, who wrote a blog post5 on the Bhopal Tragedy after a recent verdict, reveals that she thinks of this tragedy as ‘a timeless disaster.’ Just before the 25th anniversary of the disaster in 2009, The Bhopal Medical Appeal6 advocacy group used Twitter to post: ‘20 days to go until 25th anniversary of the 1984 Bhopal disaster. It’s not history. People still suffer.’

Some people try to communicate the ongoing suffering by providing statistics through social media. In response to one of the most-viewed YouTube videos about Bhopal, entitled Bhopal Gas Disaster,7 one YouTube user comments:

What facts do you want? 10,000 immediate deaths or the 30,000 who have died since then or the broken down rate of 15–20 MIC deaths per month or the 390 tonnes of remaining MIC that’s left by Carbide as a gift for the future generation of bhopalis?

Such statistics express a message about how the impact of the gas leak has affected Bhopalis on a massive scale since the day it happened. Consider how Debosmita Nandy starts her blog post:

For many of us, breaking news last a day or two and if we happen to be a part of it, then for a few years or may be a lifetime. But for many in the city of Bhopal, the breaking news of gas leakage on the eve of December 3, 1984 will haunt for generations to come.

While many Bhopalis face the ongoing effects of the disaster on a daily basis, these survivors and many of their supporters worldwide are leveraging social solidarity to argue for disaster mitigation by discussing the lack of safety and corporate responsibility issues that ultimately created and prolonged this disaster.

The case of the September 11 attacks

A series of coordinated suicide attacks in the United States took place on September 11, 2001. Four commercial airliners were hijacked: two planes crashed into each of the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center (WTC) in New York, one plane crashed into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia and one plane crashed into a field near Shanksville, Pennsylvania. These attacks led to the death of 2,973 people and the 19 hijackers. As a result, the United States launched the War on Terrorism.

Witnessing the 9/11 attacks and the missing person fliers

The September 11, 2001 attacks (aka 9/11) are often described as the ‘most photographed and videotaped event in history.’ As TV news stations began reporting the first plane crash into the WTC 1 (North Tower), eyewitnesses used their own digital cameras to record the event. While people were recording, a second plane crashed into the WTC 2 (South Tower). As a result thousands of ‘born-digital’ videos and photos were generated during the attacks, the first broad public documentary of its kind.

Many of these digital photos and videos now appear on YouTube in amateur and professional documentaries. For example, the amateur video called September 11 2001: What We Saw8 – which has received over 7.3 million views and over 43,000 comments thus far – documents the attacks from the camerawoman’s apartment home on the 36th floor of a building 500 yards away from the North Tower. The introductory caption states, ‘Our unique perspective has an important historical value, and shows the horror of the day without soundtracks or hype often seen in other accounts.’ Near the end of the film, she says, ‘This is the documentarian in me that feels like I need to record this.’ These numerous born-digital artifacts taken from multiple people and points of view are now prosthetic memories to those who did not experience the attacks firsthand. They also have been used in investigations to determine how the WTC buildings collapsed.

Some of most striking photos that emerged from those who witnessed the immediate aftermath of the attacks were on the missing person flyers posted around public spaces in New York City. They each were initially crafted to provide information to identify a missing person. They often included a personal photo, a physical description, work location in the WTC towers, or other information about how the missing person might otherwise be located. They appeared en masse at subway stops, in Union Square, along lampposts, and in other highly convergent places around the city. Over time they collectively became spontaneous memorials, giving tribute to the many who lost their lives on 9/11. Although these artifacts have now disappeared from New York City’s physical landscape, the memories of the missing person flyers can still be found in the digital photos shared online on sites like Flickr and online archives like Here Is New York: A Democracy of Photographs.9

Revealing the pre-9/11 events and the 9/11 truth

In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, the source was deemed to be terrorism. Here we describe the narratives that address the pre-event conditions in the History Commons website, which allows people to create timelines about different topics. Each timeline contains multiple events to provide contextual details from vetted sources. We examined the ‘Complete 911 Timeline,’10 which contains 6,374 events preceding, during, and after the 2001 attacks. In the ‘Before 9/11’ category, it contains 754 events starting in 1976 with events associated with the Soviet War in Afghanistan, warning signs, insider trading, foreknowledge, US air security, military exercises, pipeline politics, and other pre-9/11 events. Derek Mitchell, the site’s creator, explains in an interview that its purpose is to ‘reclaim control of our story, our narrative.’ The site explains it in this way:

To provide a means for members of civil society to monitor the activities of powerful entities, such as governments, large corporations, and wealthy and influential individuals. In this capacity, the website should be regarded as an IT toolset that enables members of the public to operate as a sort of people’s intelligence agency.

The use of ICT by a network of ‘9/11 Truth’ groups, which ask, ‘How did we get here?’ illuminates how ICT platforms can serve as a message. They remind people of significant events that happened on September 11 as well as pre- and post-9/11, and they document their evidence. They believe that 9/11 was not an unexpected attack and was instead a ‘false-flag operation.’ Using blogs, DVDs with 9/11 documentaries, and online networking sites like Meetup and Facebook, they actively share their views.

The ongoing effects of the September 11 attacks

In a ‘post-9/11 world,’ the effects of these attacks continue to reverberate in ongoing narratives about the event. A blog post by Charles Scaliger called ‘9/11 Terror Attacks & Their Effect on America’11 explains how the open-ended character of the phrase ‘War on Terrorism’ has ‘the potential over a generation or two to undo much of the legal and constitutional fabric of our republic.’ He urges that:

We therefore ought to reflect as Americans on the potential long-term cost, both in lives and in laws, of the War on Terrorism. As we remember the fallen on 9/11 and all those who have since given their lives to combat Islamic extremists, we should determine not to allow the power of such events to utterly overwhelm our heritage and our liberties. We should decide to give voice once again to that portion of our laws that we have permitted to fall silent.

People are using today’s social media to examine implications that are becoming more obvious, including long-term health effects on those who were exposed to toxic debris. The ‘Health effects arising from the September 11 attacks’ Wikipedia article,12 created five years after the attack, details how this crisis is appearing in the form of chronic health conditions like cancer and respiratory disease. This article is a collective account of this crisis using 81 sources. It breaks down the different types of political controversies surrounding the Environmental Protection Agency’s statements regarding air quality in and around Ground Zero immediately after the attacks.

The case of Hurricane Katrina

Hurricane Katrina formed on August 23, 2005, peaked as a Category 5 storm on August 28, and then hit the US Gulf Coast on August 29. Hurricane Katrina became the sixth-strongest hurricane ever recorded in the Atlantic, the third-strongest in the US, and the costliest US hurricane with damage estimated at $81.2 billion dollars (Sylvester, 2008). About 1.2 million people were under an evacuation order, thus leading to ‘the largest internal US diaspora of displaced people’ (Brunsma et al., 2007). Katrina produced the highest storm surges ever recorded on the US coast, with some as high as 27.8 feet, resulting in 53 different levee failures (Knabb et al., 2005). The death toll reached 1,833 (Knabb et al., 2005), but some argue that about half of these deaths were directly due to the hurricane, with the other half resulting from inadequate emergency response (Sylvester, 2008).

Katrina survivor memories worth preserving and critiquing

Katrina survivor stories have appeared in Facebook groups like ‘Hurricane Katrina Survivors.’13 Some people will never forget the ‘pain and death,’ while others miss the loss of sentimental items like family pictures. Still many others emphasize how they ‘miss the life’ that they had pre-Katrina, especially those who are now displaced. In a story shared by one of the Facebook group members during the five-year anniversary, she explains how Hurricane Katrina ‘was the day that I was torn away from the family and friends that I knew most of my life,’ but goes on to mention how ‘it is great that we have this page and we have Facebook to reconnect.’ For some survivors, like Mary C. Theriot, Katrina taught her to ‘never live that close to a levee or a lake like Pontchartrain, again.’

Amidst these survivor stories that explain the loss of their way of life and the lessons to be learned, analyses about how the media framed Katrina survivors’ actions also arose. Just days after Katrina hit, social media users responded to a controversy around two news photos, one used the word ‘looting’ in its caption while the other one used the word ‘finding.’ On August 31, 2005, Flickr user Tricia Wang decided to upload a screenshot that included the two photos and explained this controversy in her caption. She titled this photo ‘Finding-Looting: Comparing Representations in the Visual Reporting of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans.’14 A photo by an Associated Press (AP) photographer captures a dark-skinned man with the caption: ‘A young man walks through chest deep flood water after looting a grocery store in New Orleans.’ A Getty Images photo by an Agence France-Presse (AFP) photographer captures two light-skinned people with the caption: ‘Two residents wade through chest-deep water after finding bread and soda from a local grocery store …’ This Flickr photo received 129,000 views and 234 comments. Wang’s caption emphasizes how word choice associated with the two photos affects the viewer’s interpretation of survivors’ actions. Such commentary within social media sites provides another interpretive layer to the collective narratives about Hurricane Katrina, which can play an important role in how Katrina survivors are remembered in the future.

Within two months of Katrina and the subsequent Hurricane Rita, the Hurricane Digital Memory Bank15 was set up with the purpose of using ‘electronic media to collect, preserve, and present the stories and digital record’ of the hurricanes. It currently contains 43,300 artifacts including firsthand accounts, on-scene images, blog posts, and podcasts. A range of survivor stories emerged in this memory bank and in the social media landscape, such as stories depicting the intensity of the storm, the lessons of survival, and how one reacts to a crisis. But ‘as colorful as these survival stories are there only seems to be a momentary thrill of morbid curiosity in it,’ says Glenn E. Miller, a Katrina survivor and interviewee for this research. Miller believes that the recovery stories ‘including the extraordinary charity that was offered’ have a lasting value, and it is the stories that depict ‘weird and unusual events, sudden acts of unexpected charity, moments of joy in the middle of struggle, strange coincidences, shocking moments, stories of intense improvising or funny, quirky events that brought humor to the middle of tragedy’ that should be preserved.

Reviving the pre-Katrina history

One narrative that has emerged in the social media landscape is how Hurricane Katrina was not an unexpected disaster caused solely by a natural hazard, but rather a human-induced catastrophe as a result of technological and socio-political failures. Nearly a third of the events that appear in History Commons’ ‘Hurricane Katrina’16 timeline project are categorized as ‘Before Katrina.’ The first event that appears is titled ‘1930-2005: More than 1.2 Million Acres of Louisiana’s Coastal Wetlands Disappear’ and includes numerous references to reports from official sources, such as the US Environmental Protection Agency, the US Army Corps of Engineers and the National Wetlands Research Center.

The following is an excerpt from a blog post by Fran Taylor explaining the significance of this wetland loss after interviewing Malik Rahim, the founder of the Common Ground Relief grassroots organization:17

One reason Katrina so clobbered New Orleans was the damage that oil exploration and drilling had already done to the wetlands that used to buffer the mainland. Wetlands absorb the impact of a hurricane’s storm surge like a sponge. The wall of water that produced most of Katrina’s trail of wreckage reached almost 30 feet in places. Every square mile of wetlands reduces that storm surge by about a foot. ‘Our wetlands are our first line of defense against hurricanes,’ Rahim said.

Such blog posts depict how some people want to remind others of the symbiotic relationship between nature and society. Yet, other narratives arose about how Hurricane Katrina was a technological disaster because of the failure of the levee system. In a YouTube video entitled ‘hurricane katrina banned footage’18 with the description ‘footage that george bush didn’t want the public to see!!,’ an ABC News reporter interviews local residents who believe that the city blew up the levees to save wealthier neighborhoods, as they had done in 1927. Although this deliberate act may not have happened in 2005, one blogger who created the ‘Hurricane Katrina Pictures’ blog19 still emphasizes that ‘The New Orleans flood was not a natural disaster. It was man-made. The Army Corp of Engineers under-engineered, falsified data, and ignored the facts of the real dangers of the levee system.’

Another narrative describing the socio-political aspects of Katrina explains the breakdown of the official response effort. This narrative emerges in many places, sometimes with extensive documentation of the political shift from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to the Department of Homeland Security as the basis for justifying this account.

Still surviving Hurricane Katrina

Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf Coast more than five years ago but only some neighborhoods have rebuilt and recovered from the devastation. The Repopulation Indicators for New Orleans map mashup provided a visual indication of the neighborhoods and city blocks that are repopulating. 20Those who were able to rebuild were hindered by the rise of ‘exploiters,’ a type of disaster converger (Kendra and Wachtendorf, 2003).

In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, some people began documenting contractor fraud; this type of fraud further victimized Katrina survivors. Although people began sharing their stories with neighbors and friends, it was not enough to get the word out. The blog ‘Hurricane Katrina SOS: The aftermath was far worse than the storm …’21 created a post called ‘Contractor Fraud [and] FEMA Negligence’ that includes a YouTube video to warn others about this danger.

Another way in which Hurricane Katrina is depicted as an ongoing disaster is through continuous updates on the rebuilding efforts by grassroots organizations like the St. Bernard Project,22 a ‘nonprofit disaster recovery organization in New Orleans dedicated to rebuilding the homes and lives of Hurricane Katrina survivors’ by addressing ‘the physical, emotional, and psychological devastation caused by the storm.’ They use Facebook and Twitter to keep people updated on their recovery efforts. They created a Facebook fan page as a way for the volunteers to stay connected to each other after they leave. They also created Facebook pages for each house being rebuilt, which are updated weekly with pictures and a summary of the volunteers’ work, allowing volunteers who helped earlier to see building progress.

We are beginning to see other grassroots disaster recovery organizations using social media outlets to publicize their activities. Such social media content has the potential of adding to the collective narrative about the ongoing repercussions of the disaster.

Discussion: a digital heritage agenda for the crisis domain

As these investigations of social media representation of crises indicate, multiple narratives become apparent with the advent of ICT. We can imagine that crisis narratives will continue to be produced, become accessible, and perhaps be adjusted as time passes and more is learned.

Crisis events expose how rich these collections of narratives can be, and how a participatory orientation to such crisis events continues long after the emergency. In addition, these disasters as described here highlight the emergence of visible, sharable memories that can be remixed, elaborated, and retold in ways that remind us of their processual nature, as well as their significance to our living heritage. Though the narratives are scattered across the Internet and require work to be found, accounted for, and interpreted, we can imagine a future where such accountings and voices are more accessible and even more vivid than they are today. This perspective, we believe, identifies new ground for research and development of digitally enabled heritage activities, which can then in turn be used to inform crisis information management efforts.

Make digital heritage a concern in cyberinfrastructure

As a first-order goal, digital heritage issues need to be integrated into the core mission behind cyberinfrastructure initiatives (NSF, 2007). Though the future of computing promises easier data collection and aggregation of vast datasets, which would seem to automatically enable heritage activity, we instead argue that much can be gained by making it a more formal design policy. Rather than rest only on post hoc processing solutions, there is a real need to design an infrastructure that will enable the kind of tools and services suggested by Sellen and Whittaker (2010) to support selective memory collection, recollection and retrieval.

The purpose of this goal can appeal to both analytical and emotional sensibilities. Preserving data to enable its treatment as heritage could reveal information about the cultural context for creating a national, or even global, ‘picture’ of disaster resilience from aggregated crisis data. Understanding the cultural context in conjunction with using mined heritage data from large datasets could help resolve why some regions or populations suffer from particular hazards or crises more than others. The work here also shows how the accessibility of ICT makes it possible for untold numbers of ‘voices’ to contribute to the representation of how society experiences crises. To capture this would leave a compelling legacy and indeed might help heritage become widely valued as a production function of society. In other words, it is worth designing systems to support prospective remembering.

Preserve the medium through digital archaeology

It is not sufficient to preserve the accounts – the ‘memories’ of a crisis. We must also preserve representations of the media in which these memories were created. Heritage cannot be understood without an understanding of the limits and affordances of the media over which those stories were told. For example, in April 2010, Twitter donated their public database of tweets to the Library of Congress (LOC) to complement the Library’s existing cultural heritage collection, but the LOC explicitly stated, ‘The Library is not Twitter and will not try to reproduce its functionality.’ 23How might historians 100 years from now understand the value of Twitter if they are not able to experience the Twitter environment, which changes rapidly, as do its third-party clients? Similarly, many of the memories we gathered were from Facebook, but how might future generations learn from them if the contexts in which these memories existed are not also archived and preserved?

Link individual stories into collective narratives

As more people find ways to share stories about a crisis through emergent forms of ICT, future implementations will be needed to link these individual accounts together to construct collective narratives. Such narratives illuminate the themes and emerging voices that might not previously have been described as dominant but have momentum on the ‘backchannel.’ The narratives about the heroes during the Bhopal gas leak or the extensive history that led to the 9/11 attacks and the devastation of Hurricane Katrina are some examples of this. The key here is to collect enough individual accounts from a wide swath of society to appreciate the diverse set of interpretations.

Jesiek and Hunsinger (2008) explain how browsing and contributing to open digital memory banks allow ‘people to create multiple and differential relationships to a given archive’ where ‘these relationships are the foundations of multiple and overlapping narratives.’ Constructing collective narratives also allows people the potential to make ‘connections between the tales’ to tell a larger story, as exhibited in the MUVI project (Giaccardi, 2006). Supporting collective authorship must also be considered, especially since this is becoming more complex when using proprietary and commercial ICT (Van House and Churchill, 2008). How we design and guide the use of future information systems will ultimately determine who has the authority and ability to collect, store, and interpret the memories from our digital heritage around historic events, and so a conscientious egalitarian orientation is critical.

Support creative expression via story-sharing tools

Storytelling is a critical way in which the heritage of crises is constructed. Stories facilitate remembering and meaning-making because they weave together information and its context and emotion in meaningful and compelling ways. Shen et al. (2002) further argue for the need to support story sharing, a more conversational approach to exchanging stories. We should consider how ubiquitous social media (e.g. YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter) are facilitating innovative forms of story sharing throughout the entire life cycle of a crisis. For each of the crisis events we looked at, many people created YouTube commemoration videos that remixed publicly available photos with emotive music and captions, but the sharing of related stories then continued through the video’s comments on YouTube and elsewhere. Story-sharing tools will need to support creative weaving of multiple types of content. Such tools also need to create a feedback loop in the story-sharing process to show distribution and evolution.

Support socially distributed curatorial activity

As we increasingly use prosthetic memory devices to consciously record and collect information about crisis events as they happen and over time, we all now face the problem of ‘curatorial overload: too much information, too difficult to organize and retrieve’ (Van House and Churchill, 2008). Here we view curation as an active process of engaging with and making sense of crisis-related digital memories to assess their value. Preservation and retrieval need to work in conjunction with ‘mechanisms that stimulate participatory engagement,’ lest the obsession to record everything will paradoxically increase ‘amnesia’ (Haskins, 2007).

Based on the fledging examples of curation identified in our past and current research, we anticipate the need for a suite of tools that support what the first author has termed socially-distributed curation (Liu, 2010), which would facilitate social aggregation, organization, interpretation, and re-presentation in a distributed way to support the active engagement of keeping the memories of historic crises alive. To consider how this behavior is presenting itself now, a common practice is the cross-pollination of online content from one forum to another. For example, Facebook user Adil Laiq Ahmed posted snippets from blog posts and tweets onto his Facebook group wall so that others could get a sense of what is being said about the Bhopal tragedy in forums to which they do not attend.

Cast heritage as social action

Lastly, information science communities can share in the move to cast heritage of crises as a form of ‘social action’ (Byrne, 2008). Heritage is a ‘living entity’ (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004) that triggers reflection in a way that has an opportunity to stimulate ‘meaningful participation’ (Haskins, 2007) rather than just spectatorship. Through active participation in heritage-related activity, we are reminded of the social and political benefits of keeping the heritage of these crises alive. As Byrne (2008) states, ‘The implication is that we all – people in communities as well as heritage practitioners – are “heritage workers”‘ (p. 169). Designers need to consider the values being embedded in technologies; they have an opportunity to conscientiously design how digital heritage concerns can become a subject of a crowd-scale, participatory activity.

Conclusion

This chapter considers matters of disaster heritage in the changing ICT landscape by drawing across disciplinary fields and reflecting on how crisis events propel digital capture and remembrance activity. We examined a subset of the narratives that have emerged through social media representation in three crisis events. The narratives tell accounts of crises that extend long after and sometimes long before the impact of the event, and therefore illustrate the dynamic and continuous qualities of heritage-related activity. As people increasingly use ICT to document and curate the collective narratives that emerge from historically significant events, we must consider how we might design technologies, policies, and practices that will enable the sharing of digital artifacts not only with those who can immediately harness their value now for disaster mitigation purposes, but also with our descendants to strengthen their resilience to future crises.

Acknowledgments

This research has been supported by the US National Science Foundation (NSF) through an NSF Graduate Research Fellowship awarded to Liu, NSF grants IIS-0546315 and IIS-0910586, and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation for grant TIN2009-09687. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of NSF.

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