Response
sets (such as random responding) are strategies
that individuals use (consciously or otherwise) when responding to
educational or psychological tests or scales. These response sets
range on a continuum from unbiased retrieval (where individuals use
direct, unbiased recall of factual information in memory to answer
questions) to generative strategies (where individuals create responses
not based on factual recall because of inability or unwillingness
to produce relevant information from memory; see Meier, 1994, p. 43).
Response sets have been discussed in the measurement and research
methodology literature for over seventy years now (Cronbach, 1942;
Goodfellow, 1940; Lorge, 1937), and some (e.g., Cronbach, 1950) argue
that response sets are ubiquitous, found in almost every population
on almost every type of test or assessment. In fact, early researchers
identified response sets on assessments as diverse as the Strong Interest
Inventory (Strong, 1927); tests of clerical aptitude, word meanings,
temperament, and spelling; and judgments of proportion in color mixtures,
seashore pitch, and pleasantness of stimuli. (See summary in Cronbach,
1950, Table 1.)
Response sets can be
damaging to factor analysis and to the quality of measurement in research.
Much of the research we as scientists perform relies upon the goodwill
of research participants (students, teachers, participants in organizational
interventions, minimally compensated volunteers, etc.) with little
incentive to expend effort in providing data to researchers. If we
are not careful, participants with lower motivation to perform at
their maximum level might increase the error variance in our data,
masking real effects of our research. In the context of this book,
random and motivated misresponding can have deleterious effects such
as masking a clear factor structure or attenuating factor loadings
and communalities.
Here are some examples
of response sets that are commonly discussed in the literature:
Random responding is a response
set where individuals respond with little pattern or thought (Cronbach,
1950). This behavior, which completely negates the usefulness of responses,
adds substantial error variance to analyses. Meier (1994) and others
suggest this might be motivated by lack of preparation, reactivity
to observation, lack of motivation to cooperate with the testing,
disinterest, or fatigue (Berry et al., 1992; Wise, 2006). Random responding
is a particular concern in this paper as it can mask the effects of
interventions, biasing results toward null hypotheses, smaller effect
sizes, and much larger confidence intervals than would be the case
with valid data.
Dissimulation and malingering. Dissimulation
refers to a response set where respondents falsify answers in an attempt
to be seen in a more negative or more positive light than honest answers
would provide. Malingering is a response set where individuals falsify
and exaggerate answers to appear weaker or more medically or psychologically
symptomatic than honest answers would indicate. Individuals are often
motivated by a goal of receiving services that they would not otherwise
be entitled to (e.g., attention deficit or learning disabilities evaluation;
Kane (2008); see also Rogers (1997)) or avoiding an outcome that they
might otherwise receive (such as a harsher prison sentence; see e.g,
Ray, 2009; Rogers, 1997). These response sets are more common on psychological
scales where the goal of the question is readily apparent (e.g., “Do
you have suicidal thoughts?”; see also Kuncel & Borneman,
2007). Clearly, this response set has substantial costs to society
when individuals dissimulate or malinger, but researchers should also
be vigilant for these response sets because motivated responding such
as this can dramatically skew research results.
Social desirability is
related to malingering and dissimulation in that it involves altering
responses in systematic ways to achieve a desired goal—in this
case, to conform to social norms or to “look good” to
the examiner. (See, e.g., Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994.) Many scales
in psychological research have attempted to account for this long-discussed
response set (Crowne & Marlowe, 1964), yet it remains a real and
troubling aspect of research in the social sciences that might not
have a clear answer, but that can have clear effects for important
research (e.g., surveys of risky behavior, compliance in medical trials,
etc.).
Acquiescence and criticality are
response patterns in which individuals are more likely to agree with
(acquiescence) or disagree with (criticality) questionnaire items
in general, regardless of the nature of the item (e.g., Messick, 1991;
Murphy & Davidshofer, 1988).
Response styles peculiar to educational testing are
also discussed in the literature. While the response styles above
can be present in educational data, other biases peculiar to tests
of academic mastery (often multiple choice) include: (a) response
bias for particular columns (e.g., A or D) on multiple choice type
items, (b) bias for or against guessing when uncertain of the correct
answer, and (c) rapid guessing (Bovaird, 2003), which is a form of
random responding discussed above. As mentioned above, random responding
(rapid guessing) is undesirable as it introduces substantial error
into the data, which can suppress the ability for researchers to detect
real differences between groups, change over time, and the effect
or effects of interventions.
As we mentioned above,
random responding can be particularly problematic to research. The
majority of the other response sets bias results to a degree, but
there is still some pattern that likely reflects the individual’s
level of a particular construct or that at least reflects societal
norms. Random responding contradicts expected patterns. Thus, an individual
case of random responding can introduce more error into an analysis
than most other response sets. We will spend the rest of this section
discussing these tricky outliers.