9.1. Introduction

Today more than ever, in the post-digital era, the management, production and transmission of content face major and multiple challenges. The stakes become all the greater when the content that is seen, read and listened to, conditions knowledge and scholarship around a civilization or geographical area. Such is the case with the Arab World Institute (AWI). In the same way, knowledge management and cultural communication have a special place in sustainable development, which has become a concept of primary interest in global policies for several years (CGLU 2015). The optimization of cultural tools has now become a necessity, and even an emergency. This chapter lies in this context, as it is part of a several-year doctoral work focused on the study of the images of the “Arab World” produced by the AWI via its public activities (Abassi 2020). It is also based on a recent work that analyzes the digital communication strategy of the AWI and its digital media. We also based our study on the work of M. Zacklad, L. Collet, F. Paquienseguy, E. Saïd, S. Faucheux, C. Hue, I. Nicolaï, F. Flipo, F. Deltou, M. Dobré, P. Lévy, H. Jenkins, G. Paquette and many other authors, which were of great help to us in the development of this research.

In this chapter, which lies at the crossroads of digital humanities, cultural studies and information, communication sciences and sustainable development, we suggest studying the relationships between the material and immaterial worlds, the management methods of knowledge through the various digital tools, the images conveyed around the “Arab World” via the construction, organization and the transmission of knowledge from the AWI. We also study the feedback issue and the degree of interaction of audiences, mainly those in the “Arab World”. We also discuss digital sustainability and durable knowledge management.

First of all, we will present the AWI by questioning its monopoly on knowledge around the Arab World in France and in the West in general. In a second step, we will analyze the differentiated uses of digital tools by the AWI in its communication strategy, based in particular on cross-media. Then, we will bring out the traces of a transmedia approach in which this cultural structure begins to engage. Thirdly, we will give an overview of the images built by the AWI and deal with the question of the feedback issue. Finally, we will tackle the question of the role of digital tools in sustainability and durability in the management of knowledge and cultural communication at the AWI.

9.2. The Arab World Institute and the construction of knowledge around the “Arab World” in the West

The idea of creating an institution dedicated to the “Arab World” in France was initiated in 1973 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing. However, it was not until 14 years later that the AWI opened its doors to the public. Its opening dates back to November 30, 1987 by François Mitterrand, the French President at the time.

The AWI is a cultural foundation under French law created in 1987 in Paris, following a partnership between France and the 22 countries of the Arab League, which are, today, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, the Sultanate of Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen. This institution was founded in a postcolonial context, at a time in history marked by defiance towards the Muslim Arab world, when thinkers advocated the end of the Great Stories (Lyotard 1979). The AWI would come to translate the secular links between France and the “Arab World”, the crossed influences between East and West and the strong and tumultuous historical relationships where the ideological aspect has a great place. Geopolitical, economic, security and cultural aspects are not to be outdone either.

Since its creation, the AWI has depicted itself as the “mirror” of the “Arab World” and its culture in France and the West. With the advent of digital means, this unique structure has changed its system of construction and transmission of knowledge with differentiated uses of digital tools, alternating between documentary and communication strategies.

Indeed, this a priori cultural foundation depicts itself as a place of exchange and enhancement of Arab culture and civilization, where the West can be “at the gates of the Arab World” and view the history, the present and the future of this part of the planet. The AWI presents itself as a “bridge” between the East and the West, as the exclusive holder of knowledge and information about the “Arab World”, this conceptual and strategic area, not only in France, but also in Europe. Furthermore, when it was founded, it announced that “The Institute is mainly a showcase for the public; thanks to which France would become the capital of modern Arab culture.” This would also increase the stakes of the AWI, since it attracts an international audience and enjoys great visibility: we are talking about a million visitors a year. Consequently, the representation that it conveys has a tremendous effect. Actually, it would reflect, through a game of mirrors, so many visions of this part of the world and its people.

Thus, we wonder if the AWI really plays the role it pretends to play, and if it is truly representative of the “Arab World”. It is necessary to question the nature of the image or images that this composite and multicultural entity reflects, especially that it has a weight not least in the world scene. Hence, the importance of the challenges of knowledge organization (KO) that we consider is far beyond the meaning of its document indexing.

Throughout our research (Abassi 2017), we have come to the conclusion that the AWI is undoubtedly France’s diplomatic and political tool. This foundation has survived so far despite budget deficits, scandals and problems of all kinds; it is precisely because of the political stakes that hide more or less well behind its cultural activity. It is an important tool in the French diplomacy of influence on the great territory of the “Arab World” and even in the world. Through its museum and public activities, which are mainly exhibitions, meetings and debates, cinema, music and dance, the AWI offers Western audiences a fragmentary, very selective, sometimes insidious and reducing image that is far from reflecting the reality and current events of the “Arab World” and its people. Most of the time, it corresponds to a post-orientalist imagination and phantasmagoria.

However, it should be noted that the image of the Arab World is less important than the way it is constructed. Indeed, in the post-digital era, this cultural structure has appropriated digital tools, social networks in particular. It now offers to the French and international audience an image and representations of this great territory that is the “Arab World” through the scheduling of its public activities, as well as through the content that it broadcasts on the digital tools, namely an institutional website and digital social networks: Facebook (2010), Twitter (2012), Instagram (2014), SoundCloud and YouTube (2008). There are so many interfaces that make up its “digital showcase”.

The AWI has had an institutional website since 1997. The website has since undergone several changes both in terms of its architecture and graphic design, and its data organization and content. The information and digital communication policy mainly began in 2013, a year which coincides with the appointment of Jack Lang as head of the AWI, a leading French political figure who was, among others, the Minister of Cultural affairs with François Mitterrand when the foundation came into being. He is a politician and a man of the arts who gives great importance to communication. We should note that “digital projects” dealing with the Internet, social networks and audiovisual products were an integral part of the AWI’s activity reports over the past decade, hence their importance and strategic aspect in the eyes of the decision-makers. In 2012, the AWI also recruited Yannis Koikas as director of digital mediation, which has become a priority issue.

9.3. The AWI’s digital communication strategies

According to activity reports from 2013 to 2015, several audits were carried out for the website, which has adopted new editorial and publication charters; it has reorganized its content and its ergonomics, graphics and access to information via a new revised interface: a complete remake was carried out. A web mastering policy and a social media strategy have also been implemented, with the drafting of an editorial charter, the launching of educational publications related to current news with rather moderate comments. The AWI has adopted a policy of audiovisual recording of its various events and has produced trailers and presentation films for the exhibitions that it publishes on its YouTube channel, Facebook, and even Twitter in certain cases, as well as on SoundCloud, in audio mode of course. Web documentaries and interviews with artists and personalities of Arab or French origin have also been produced.

There is no doubt that the AWI has engaged in “all digital” in recent years and has emphasized digital mediation with the various online resources and services, whatever their form or medium. The AWI has finally “gone digital”, concretizing the will of its president Jack Lang who would like “to position the AWI as a leading cultural player on the Web”.

As mentioned above, the AWI, which has taken the digital “turning point”, provides Internet users with information-documentation and information-communication, while also focusing on branding. This information, which is textual, iconic, videographic and audio, is shared on the various current digital tools in a separate way. This differentiated use is conditioned by the nature of the interface, like SoundCloud, which only supports audio tracks or YouTube, which is intended for audiovisual documents with some textual elements. But there is also a question of strategy and content orientation, among other things, depending on the nature of the network and the profile of its subscribers. The AWI has opted for the multiplication of information “relays” as well as their formats, and the specialization and targeting of content to increase its visibility and strengthen public loyalty. Its digital information offer is closely related to its structure and its public activities that actually take place. Here, the intangible world only exists to better value the material one: the intangible ecosystem is closely linked to the physical universe, but knowledge and scholarship are organized in a fragmentary way because information, namely digital resources, is dispatched and structured in an uneven and different way from one support/interface to another. The AWI is developing an approach to segment content and therefore knowledge and scholarship, in order to reach its target audience everywhere. This logic can be qualified as proactive. It produces an enriched cultural content that enters digital humanities conditioning – or not – the knowledge and understanding of the “Arab World” by a Western and Arab audience. Through this policy, the AWI aims for a sustained, continuous digital media visibility.

According to Woorank analysis, the AWI’s institutional website is the 395,002th most visited site in the world. It is also perfectly optimized for smartphones and touch screens, with a classification and taxonomic system and multiple entries. Moreover, it is the most exhaustive. It is available in three languages and contains a database concerning the AWI as a structure (activities, practical information, organization chart and operation, e-shop, etc.) and documentary resources whose purpose is to “make you discover” the “Arab World” (its art, culture, science, history, language and scriptures, religion and society), as well as the museum and the digitization of its collections. Thus, we can say that we are talking about a digitization of heritage and a non-immersive guided tour for the purpose of popularization and democratization and patrimonialization. We also find links to the various webdocs, websites and applications of the AWI, as well as to its publications and some of its bibliographies.

The website also provides an opportunity to find out about AWI’s cultural programming, and current and past events. We should point out that information-communication becomes information-documentation as soon as it becomes obsolete, thus changing status. There is no doubt that the website, which also contains links to all of the institution’s social networks, presents the most complete knowledge construction, organization and management around the Arab World, always through the prism of the AWI.

As for the Facebook page with its nearly 160,000 followers, 1,772 shares, 140 comments and 621 “likes” (according to Worank), it is used to communicate about events that take place at the AWI, with a frequency of around three posts a day; these posts contain a call text (or presentation), an image or a video and a link to the website (for “Reservation” or “More info”), mainly concerning exhibitions, shows and news, at the center of which Jacques Lang is often present. These are mainly trails for promoting activities, teasers and video topics for communication. The latter may also refer to events which take place outside the walls of the AWI, usually relating to artists of Arab origin (“The AWI recommends”), which is a novelty that indicates a certain openness to extramuros and the Franco-Arab artistic scene.

In total, the Facebook page contains 3,865 photos and 347 videos linked to the YouTube channel, as well as a number of event alerts. Internet users have the opportunity to comment, like and share posts. However, this type of interaction is not very important, although the activity reports of the AWI mention that they are clearly increasing.

The Instagram account of the AWI with its 32.1k subscribers has 654 publications in the form of images (an intrinsic characteristic of this social network), often annotated by a small presentation text. These images can be posters of exhibitions, works of art, portraits of artists, photographs taken from photographic or other exhibitions or covers of events of different types (photo report). On Instagram, the frequency of posts is much lower than on Facebook. The AWI does not present the same content at all on its Facebook and Instagram accounts, even if the two social networks are used to communicate about its events and news. Internet users therefore do not find the same content in an instant. On Instagram, we find a more developed interaction, especially at the likes level; however, some comments also exist.

Just like on the Facebook page, on the AWI Twitter account with its 34.9k subscribers, we find text, a link to the website and an image or video. This network gives Internet users the possibility to like, retweet, comment and share. Its content is different from that on Facebook, but sometimes has redundant information. We have noted a prevalence given to information concerning meetings and debates, as well as to exhibitions and news. The number of tweets can range from two to five per day.

For the YouTube channel, with its 14.7k subscribers and 4,069,778 views, it shows a film presenting the activities of the AWI on the home page. Then, the videos are organized by activity-theme as follows: exhibitions at the AWI with promotional films or teasers, portraits of artists, economic meetings of the “Arab World”, meetings and debates, trailers, music at the AWI, educational actions, AWI museum and cinema.

There is also another entry through the “Playlist” and “Videos”. These are recordings of meetings and debates, portraits of artists, etc. Each video is put online with its respective title and a short presentation text. The frequency of publications varies between two and four per month, but the number can be higher if there is more activity, and can reach 12 or even more videos per month.

However, for the YouTube channel, comments are disactivated, which makes any interaction with Internet users impossible. The latter can only like, dislike or share. Thus, we suspect that YouTube is only used to host videos because it is practical. In our opinion, this hypothesis is valid, since the same videos are called to leave Twitter and Facebook. This is an amazing use of YouTube, an exclusively AWI documentary base with an almost zero economic cost.

On SoundCloud, the “sound YouTube”, with 535 followers, the AWI broadcasts audio content from “Thursdays of the AWI”, “Literary meetings”, “An hour with…”. Currently, the public can listen to 341 tracks. The frequency of audio posts is less regular than on any other social network. For instance, the last publication dates back to six months, a period in which 16 audio tracks were put online in a month. The audio tracks occur at a random frequency from one month to another.

Accordingly, we can state that the AWI has taken the digital turn in a world where 50% of the people are connected, especially in Europe and North America (Lévy 2019). Also, the AWI builds knowledge and scholarship around it and the Arab World through cross-media and a differentiated use of digital tools and “distributed communication transactions” (Zacklad 2004), adapting both to the channels and their audiences. The AWI does distinguish between content and support, which conditions the modes of apprehension by the public (Zacklad 2012). Indeed, the website tends to favor the documentary aspect, even if within it we do find communicational information. The YouTube channel and SoundCloud also have the same function, presenting audiovisual documents which have the status of records and are especially consulted at any time after the event that they cover, hence their nature of “digital documentary”. These are traces of events and perennial resources, the aim of which may be the capitalization of knowledge based on the nourishment of a “documentary memory” (Zacklag 2012).

As for the Facebook page and the Twitter and Instagram accounts, they are part of the “digital information and communication” as long as they are in the news and in the immediate future, increasing the proximity of the AWI with its connected audiences and thus participating in its visibility and that of its various activities. In fact, any communication about a particular event takes place in three stages: before, during and after. The objective is mercantile and promotional: to attract the public, build loyalty and encourage the act of purchasing – in terms of marketing – but there is also the development of fan culture, as well as branding and corporate communication, thus creating a digital identity (Abassi 2020).

Regarding the digital use which favors tree and hypertext architectures (Collet and Paquienseguy 2015), the AWI uses many more tools than we have mentioned. The adventure and discovery video game “Medelia, the treasure of the Mediterranean”, the application “Kalila Wa Dimna”, the web doc “Did you say Arabic?”, the web series “The submerged mysteries of Egypt” and the immersive and interactive site “Hip hop from the Bronx to the Arabs” were created to extend the experience and the visit of certain exhibitions, and Oculus Rift glasses with headphones were available to visitors of the “Contemporary Morocco” exhibition for an immersive experience with augmented reality. The content of the six setup cameras created a 360° video. Thus, we can say that the AWI has, in a certain way, entered documentary transmediality (Zacklad 2012), even if certain aspects are still lacking, such as the collective creation of content. The participative aspect is not very developed either.

However, we can say that the AWI offers some multi-entry transmedia narration from around the Arab World, even if it is partial. For example, digital tools can be understood independently, as well as in their globalness, they are meant for commercial and academic purposes, the images of the “Arab World” are available on several platforms; there is sometimes seriality, subjectivity, multiplicity and a construction of a universe with a certain aesthetic. If we quote Jenkins (Jenkins 2003; Jenkins et al. 2013), we can qualify the narrative universe presented as “fictional reality”, as we will explain. This multichannel and multimedia access to knowledge and information, whether documentary or communicative, has cultural, economic, social and political challenges. We are talking about the issues of production, dissemination and reception of content and therefore knowledge and scholarship. What images of the Arab World does the AWI present through its construction and dissemination of knowledge? (Abassi 2020).

9.4. The images built by the AWI and the question of feedback

There is no doubt that through its digital communication strategy, now institutionalized and mobilizing different channels, the AWI presents a significant panel of Arab heritage. There is also an effort to reach out to the Other, the Arab, and a will – at least apparent – to discover it, as well as a certain dynamism of the Institute and of the “Arab World” in its consensual sense, an image which was not existent enough in the past. In fact, we witness notable changes in the discourse developed on the “Arab World” by the AWI, which recognizes certain realities of this geographical and cultural area. There is a real inscription in contemporaneity, through the treatment of current topics and through the presentation of young artists. Even though the foundation is still out of step with all of the new emerging artistic and cultural sensitivities in the “Arab World”, its territorial roots. But what contemporaneity is it? It is about the French contemporaneity of the “Arab World”. Indeed, since its foundation, the AWI favors Western artists and elite or Arabs residing in the West, in particular in France, sometimes with European origins. These are those who have been integrated into otherness, as the author Alain Mascarou pointed out so well in his book “Orientalism in its Mirrors”. The number of Arab artists and elite residing in their countries of origin could be considered insignificant. Thus, the “standard bearers” of the “Arab World” are, in reality, only personalities with a double genealogy, an “offshore” elite, from immigrant backgrounds or not. This is likely to reduce the representativeness of the artistic and cultural scenes of the Arab countries and bias them. There is precisely a problem of immersion in the Arab reality and an ambiguity of an “in-between” glance concept. As we predicted in our thesis, the AWI tends to be a Franco-French structure of Arab culture intended for the French and the Arab community in France and in the West. The AWI is not the mirror of Arab culture in France as much as it is the mirror of French culture and representations of the “Arab World” in France.

In fact, France is at the top of the list of virtual visitors to AWI platforms and interfaces according to an analysis by Google Trend. France is trying to contain the scope of this prestigious showcase which is the AWI and use it as a containment tool. These are, indeed, the values of secularity, interbreeding and multiculturalism that this structure wants to spread (Abassi 2017). We also note, as we said above, a change in the positive meaning, in the discourse on the “Arab World”; more objective and more embedded in reality, even if a large part of this reality is completely omitted. Exoticism, post-orientalism and patrimonialization still have a great place. A heritage which is the fruit of the patrimonial policy which marked the French cultural policy that reached its peak with Jack Lang. Through its programming, the AWI conveys the history of the Arabs and their countries, most often focusing on their glorious times and the golden age of their civilization. The “Arab World” is generally condemned in its past. It is often presented in a biased manner in its contemporaneity. The mass public is thus comforted with a picturesque and postcolonial ritual. It is a fictional reality that the AWI creates and displays, always developing a discourse of legitimization generally based on celebration and glorification. But one of the problems of the AWI is that it is built on an entity, the “Arab World”, which does not exist, a problem that officials are becoming aware of. The images of the “Arab World” constructed through public activities and the digital tools of the AWI are made from a few fragments of reality, which prevents the discovery of the Other, the Arab, or reach its real actuality, its truth. These images are meant for distribution to the general public, for mass consumption. This policy is indeed integrated into the economy of public culture; as culture is being incontestably considered as a true economic activity.

Another important point is that of feedback (Paquette 1987). Aimed at an audience that is resident in France, made up of Westerners of ethnic origin and/or of French people with Arab roots, feedback from the Arab World concerning this Western vision offered by the AWI is almost non-existent. Programming and media coverage and keeping records through digital devices are not intended for Arabs in their countries of origin, except for research and touristic purposes, such as visits to France. The level of interactivity in the AWI’s social networks is generally not very developed. It therefore tends towards zero with regard to the Arab World; the latter has no power or control over the production and dissemination of the knowledge and scholarship that concerns it at the AWI. In the best of cases, an Arab will be able to comment on a Facebook post, like it or share it, and visit, in an immersive way, an in situ exhibition, at best. It is their only field of intervention and possibility. The participative dimension is non-existent, and interactivity is limited by the very nature of the digital tools, the possibility of content regulation is also impossible. The Arab user is positioned only as a passive receiver of knowledge and scholarship emitted by the AWI. Their role is therefore limited to reception-observation, which can reduce their appropriation of content, and this obviously does not fit in the stated objectives of the foundation.

9.5. The role of digital tools in sustainability and durability in the management of knowledge and communication at the AWI

As we have just seen, the AWI strategically adopts digital tools via differentiated uses and a transversal method combining cross-media and transmedia to communicate about its activities and the “Arab World”; it also communicates around a certain heritage and culture. Thus, the AWI registered itself through a cultural approach in durability and sustainability, on many aspects. Indeed, the managers of this foundation are optimizing the use of digital tools for the dissemination of culture which is the fourth pillar of a sustainable development (CGLU 2015), as ICTs are the keys (Faucheux et al. 2010). It goes without saying that the socio-digital networks with their very important information offer make it possible to control and reduce the costs of knowledge management and communication by offering ROI (Return of Investment) calculation tools and a large concentration of resources. Even if the AWI still uses traditional communication (urban posters and other print media), it decreases physical resources and mainly focuses its mediation with its audiences on new technologies, “body extensions”, which have far-reaching effects and are less harmful to the environment, even if some people speak of “rebound effects” and refute the theory of green digitalization (Flipo et al. 2016). This digital infrastructure and network thus offers the possibility of replacing – even partly – the conventional means of communication and information with all the advantages it presents. This also allows the AWI to control the costs of its non-stop communication. Also, digital communication saves travel. In addition to saving time, it also limits the use of environmentally harmful means of transport. The knowledge building and cultural communication strategy adopted by the AWI in recent years therefore has a significant ecological potential. Connected Internet users benefit from a timely information offer that allows them to travel only to discover an exhibition, a show or take part in a debate or other event or activity in situ. Non-residents in France can follow the institution’s activities from afar and discover certain aspects of the “Arab World” through feedback, various reports and resources posted online. There is no doubt that this dematerialization of cultural information and communication has many economic and social advantages (Petit 2009). Borders are blurring, creating a new digital geography offering another type of proximity (Ullmann et al. 2008). The culture of the “Arab World” through the prism of the AWI is now diffused in an immaterial and free-way on a multiplicity of interfaces, thus participating in the development of the concept of equity in access to information, even if a digital gap still exists around the world, creating excluded audiences. The reproducible nature of digital data makes it possible, in the same sense, to “get rid of the laws of scarcity, and to optimize all activities” (Laget 2008).

In addition to this, the digital tools adopted by the AWI contribute to durability. Knowledge and representations of the “Arab World” are stored and transmitted in time and space. They continuously extend and feed the images of this great geographic and conceptual territory constructed by the AWI. Thanks to new technologies, these images can be viewed as an unchanging “Arab World”, lasting over time even if the nature and content of the images is changing. The design of this area and its identity, namely Arabity, through the activities of the foundation becomes perennial and sustainable. The digitization of data and the dematerialization of communication and procedures for the construction, management and transmission of knowledge allow a simple and rapid access to information (IRFEDD 2017), simplify the transmission codes and increase “sharability” (Laget 2008), even if the information is intensive. Documentary resources and communication thus become accessible to the greatest number of audiences, which is capable of ensuring a certain democratization. The relationships with time and space are changing, and distance is no longer an obstacle to accessing information (Papa et al. 2006). The knowledge and skills around the “Arab World” created by the AWI are now compiled, organized, updated, juxtaposed, referenced, available and accessible (IRFEDD 2017); consequently, audience targeting and performance of the communication strategy are optimized. Facility and speed of use are increased because digital technology, as we have already said, erases distances. Resources, which are intrinsically essential, are also optimized and valued in an intangible manner. Via digital means, their management becomes easier and under continuous construction. This contributes to popularization, even partially, and to the promotion of cultural heritage, the identity of a people, the creative potential of its members, diversity, creativity, etc., all contributing to sustainable development, including culture, which is a main component.

9.6. Conclusion

Digital tools have become the essential ally of the AWI in its digital cultural communication and in the dissemination of information and documentary resources (Abassi 2020). As we have seen, the foundation has recently undertaken new methods of access to information and knowledge around its activity and around the “Arab World”. It has used new digital information devices, a plurality of technologies and multimedia writing for cultural mediation, thus conveying and sharing representations and knowledge divided into autonomous units. The information and documents provided by the AWI serve both to communicate and capitalize on knowledge of various kinds. Proposed in various forms and supports (several interfaces with several inputs), digital information is redundant and complementary (Collet and Paquienseguy 2015) and participates in a cross-media strategy, which at times tends towards transmedia dimensions. It is a semiotic production shared in a segmented and differentiated way. However, the digital circulation of knowledge remains one-sided, most of the time without feedback from the Arab people residing in their countries. The organization of knowledge is a reflection of the activities of the AWI, but it does not represent a true reflection of the reality of the “Arab World”, the definition of which is still unclear and controversial. Obviously, the AWI, this structure which enjoys great visibility, has not grasped every historic moment in its complexity, did not reveal the “Arab World” with its various components and the contradiction of its realities. The AWI remains fatally frozen, circulating in a vacuum, restricted to countries, “representatives” and limited cultural forms, and enclosed in improved stereotypes which do not offer all the keys to the understanding of the contemporary “Arab World”.

AWI officials have a personalized view of the “Arab World” which nourishes the imagination of their audiences from the knowledge of a subjective nature, especially as the notion of Arabity is more or less fallacious. We believe that the AWI offers representations and constructs images of the “Arab World” which contrast, in many respects, with the realities of this entity, and gives a version where the share of fiction and fabrication is important. This is due to considerations and issues that are essentially of a political and geostrategic order. Even though the displayed intentions are noble, this structure builds an “Arab World” fabricated and even prefabricated with scattered elements of reality. The resulting image is ideological and overloaded, biased and not representative of the reality of this great territory that is the “Arab World”. Finally, we are dealing with an off-ground durability based on a dematerialized sustainability.

9.7. References