18
INDIA AND AFRICA IN COOPERATIVE RELATIONS
V.S. Sheth
Indian policy towards the African continent has to be based on an appreciation of contemporary global and state-level conditions, and the history of past relationships between India and Africa. Today, there are 53 nation-states in Africa and any policy framework for the whole continent will have to concern itself with macrolevel issues. Besides placing India’s Africa relations in a multidimensional time perspective, this chapter attempts to find commonality in the crises affecting India and African states to identify common areas of cooperation, and to draw up a policy framework towards African continent in the next millennium.
India–Africa Relations in a Multidimensional Time Frame
The Inhabitants of the western coast of India had a fairly good knowledge of the east coast of Africa in ancient times through their trade links. Indian presence in the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the eastern seaboard of the African coast has been well-documented in Sanskrit and Greek, and substantiated by the discovery of civilizational ruins showing Indian influence on the southeastern African coast.
The arrival of colonial and imperial forces in the Indian Ocean region with the discovery of a sea-route to India in the 16th century brought African societies into the vortex of international relations, and the designs of imperial powers subsumed ancient trading and commercial relations among people of the Ocean littoral. The economic imperatives of imperialism converted the Indian Ocean into an international maritime highway and established enduring socioeconomic and cultural linkages between Africa and Indian subcontinent. It was a British policy during the 19th and 20th centuries to use colonial resources from the Indian subcontinent to pacify, develop and consolidate their colonial hold over African colonies. The poverty-stricken Indian population was recruited to work as indentured labour in South Africa, Kenya, Mauritius and several other places within the empire to develop colonial economies and infrastructure. Troops of the British Indian army were deployed to pacify hostile African tribes, maintain law and order, and train Africans in the use of modem weapons.
The fluctuations in the relations between far-flung societies have been influenced by the development of science and technology. The expansion of science and technology since the days of renaissance has been continuous, and this has affected relations between and within societies and states. The growing capacity of European societies to control alien territories, resources and peoples created a social space to experiment with new political techniques during the 19th century, and this forged a commonality of approach among colonies to create an international order in the post-war period.
The discrimination against Indians in South Africa resulted in the invention of techniques of passive or nonviolent resistance by Gandhiji who later on further developed, transplanted and successfully used them to win Indian independence. The discriminatory colonial policy affected all categories of Indians in the eastern and southeastern coast of Africa. The adoption of passive or nonviolent methods of resistance to colonial rule by Indian National Congress, and the sympathy of the leaders of Congress to the cause of Indians in Africa united the diverse groups of Indians in the African continent. Political organizations were established in Africa on similar lines to that in the motherland during the inter-war period to fight colonial rule.
The seeds of African nationalism were sown by colonial policies and the changes at the global level during the 20th century enabled nationalist feelings to grow. India under the leadership of Gandhiji had gained independence by the time the young African intellectuals with Western educational background took up leadership of the African nationalist movement in the post-war period. India’s long unbroken record of resistance to colonial rule and the model of the Indian National Congress for waging a successful mass struggle impressed the African nationalist leadership.1 In the post-Independence period, Indian leadership not only successfully absorbed princely states, but also liberated French and Portuguese territories. The success of Pan-lndianism encouraged African nationalists to emulate, as Pan-Africanist goals also visualized the liberation and unification of the African continent as a whole.
The developmental model adopted by Pandit Nehru consisting of secular democratic polity, mixed economy which allowed coexistence of the private sector with a command economy and the policy of non-alignment in foreign relations was based on values derived from the Indian freedom struggle. The Indian model impressed African nationalists, as it enabled a weak and economically underdeveloped nation to maintain its autonomy in world affairs in the face of global pressures. India maintained good and equal relations with Britain, and joined the British Commonwealth even though it had a republican form of government. The British colonies in Africa followed in Indian footsteps and could easily join the Commonwealth when they became independent.2
Independent India’s Attitude Towards Africa Under Changing Global Conditions
Prime Minister Nehru firmly believed that the common background of colonial rule and similarity in political and economic problems would bring the nations of Asia and Africa closer, and he pledged India’s support to the Africans fight to achieve political independence and end racial domination in South Africa by the white minority. India raised problems of racial discrimination against Indians in South Africa at the UN in 1946. India’s Africa policy in the 1950s emphasized decolonization and achievement of African majority rule, and advised Indian settlers to integrate themselves with the indigenous population. India firmly believed that the winds of change at global level would force colonial powers to wind up their empires in Africa and that Africans should follow the peaceful constitutional path to win independence. Taking advantage of the Indian stand on the use of nonviolence to achieve political ends, racist colonial elements were able to generate violent clashes between the Indian and African communities.
The Cold War intervened to split the African nationalists in the 1950s. The Cold War influenced the process of decolonization in African continent during the latter half of the 1950s. The non-recognition of the Algerian government-in-exile and the Republic of Congo after Patrice Lumumba’s assassination distanced the militant group of African states from India. On the other hand, India’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations in Congo roused the suspicions of the conservative African states.3 However, when African struggle against the colonial powers took a violent tum, as was the case in Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya in 1952–53 and also in Algeria, the Indian government either passed resolutions terming the use of violence as undesirable and harmful or did not recognize provincial governments set up by the colonial people. The Indian stand was in sharp contrast to that of the Chinese4 who supported armed struggle to win independence. Besides, the Commonwealth connection influenced India to take a liberal view of British colonial policies in East Africa. As a result, New Delhi’s image as a staunch supporter of anti-colonial struggle dimmed in the African mindset from 1956 onwards. Its isolation from African states was complete when only four African states, namely, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria and Libya, supported her against Chinese aggression in 1962.
The military defeat at the hands of Chinese greatly undermined India’s position in the world affairs. Besides exposing India’s economic and political weakness, it showed that the policy of non-alignment held no guarantee against military attacks by a member belonging to a military bloc. Learning from experience, Nehruvian African policy was suitably reframed by the Government of India to suit India’s changing national interests in the post-1962 scenario.
Africa is a big continent and, by 1963, a very large number of countries had become independent of colonial rule. India began to cultivate diplomatic economic relations with only those African states who stood by it during the Chinese crisis in 1962, thereby giving up attempts to cultivate them as one collective bloc. She launched an all-out propaganda offensive in Africa first against the Chinese in post-1962 phase, and against Pakistan in the second half of the 1960s, to counter the growing nexus between China and Pakistan. At the preparatory meeting held in Djakarta during the mid-1960s to hold a second Bandung-type conference, India proposed that the Soviet Union and Malaysia should be invited in an attempt to isolate the Chinese.
India then strengthened her economic diplomacy with African states. Besides pouring Indian capital to construct a large -scale textile mill and allowing increased import of goods from Ethiopia, the Government of India encouraged Indian industrialists to build an industrial estate of 22 units in Nairobi. Around the same time, the Indian government made determined efforts to revive its image of anticolonial and anti-racial power by withdrawing its mission from Salisbury, five months ahead of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) by Ian Smith in Southern Rhodesia, and also began giving assistance to the liberation movements through the Dar-es-Salaam-based liberation committee of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
As part of the efforts to promote close economic cooperation with the African countries, the Indian government in the 1960s allowed the export of private capital and managerial expertise to the African countries through joint ventures.5Eleven joint ventures started production between 1969 to 1972 in Libya, Algeria, Kenya and Ethiopia covering a wide spectrum of manufactures ranging from cotton textiles and razor blades to pharmaceuticals. The Indian government also started seriously considering the possibility of bringing the Indians settled in Africa within the framework of its policy goals in Africa. Indira Gandhi, who became Prime Minister of India in the mid-1960s had earlier called people of Indian origin settled in Africa ‘Ambassadors of India’. Negotiations began with the Government of Kenya to establish Africa–India Development Cooperation with Indian and Kenyan ‘Asian’ capital. These efforts to rope in the Asian community to join Indian economic diplomacy, however, came to naught, partly because of the unwillingness of Kenyan ‘Asians’ to part with capital in politically insecure surroundings and partly due to the exodus of Asians to Britain with the passing of British Immigration Bill in 1968.
The coalescence of fortuitous circumstances at domestic and global level in the 1970s enabled the Government of India to rebuild its image in the eyes of African States. The liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 and the underground explosion of a nuclear device in 1974 showed the degree of India’s progress in scientific and technological field and underscored the fact that it still possessed the strength to rush to the rescue of a persecuted people outside its borders in response to an appeal from them. While the conclusion of the Indo-Soviet treaty in 1971 and threatening gestures by the American seventh fleet to enter the Bay of Bengal at the height of the Bangladesh crisis enabled India to regain its anti-imperialist image, the Chinese influence in Africa declined due to her incessant quarrels with the Soviet Union and her support for South African and CIA-supported forces in Angola. In the 1970s, the Government of India took the initiative to back liberation forces in Africa6 and made diplomatic efforts to make Africans aware of the dark forces of imperialism.
Eurocentric State Models in a Comparative Framework
In the post-Independence period, the Indian and African nation-states have come under pressure while trying to meet rising expectations of the people. The nation state in India was born out of the initial horrors of partition in 1947. From 1947 to 1972, the Nehruvian development model withstood pressures generated by the economic burdens of fighting three external wars in 1962, 1965 and 1971 and growing political heterogeneity. There were also significant changes at the global level during that period and the Government of India’s policy towards Africa had to undergo changes to serve its changing national interests.
Departing colonial powers in the early 1960s bequeathed the Eurocentric nation-state model to the African elite to develop and modernize their societies. The ruling classes in Africa adopted democratic polity, a mixed economy and a nonaligned policy to conduct their external relations. This enabled them to manipulate Cold War conditions in the initial years of independence to get sympathetic attention from both power blocs and also fight the remaining vestiges of colonialism, imperialism and racialism in the continent.
The development of the modern state in sub-Saharan Africa in the European style destroyed the traditional features of African political life which put more emphasis on human resources than on territory. The state borders in the post Independence period divided communities and ethnic groups due to its emphasis on territory rather than people. The acceptance of colonial boundaries and structures by the African elite tainted the image of the state with the stigma of exploitation and injustice. Although the educated African middle classes, with the help of Europeans and others, were able to channel popular anger and frustration against colonial rule in the post-war period, the acceptance of colonial legacy in form of the nation-state created an identity crisis for African masses. Disjointed state and societal structures in African conditions resulted in the military overthrow of democratically-elected governments and the adoption of one -party rule. The African elite’s search for a unique path of development resulted in the adoption of ‘African socialism’ as distinct from the Soviet and East European model of socialism.
While the alienation between state and society in Africa created a crisis of state legitimacy, the declaration of internal emergency in 1975 in India provided a watershed in the development of democratic ethos in the country. In the post-emergency period, political charisma, money and muscle power dominated the functioning of the Indian democratic system. Around the same time in the second half the 1970s to the first half of the 1980s, African states were caught in a vicious cycle of declining economic growth, increasing debt burden and political instability.
The non-aligned and UN forums provided a common platform to India and African states to initiate common action at the international level in the 1970s. The 1969 Lusaka Summit meeting of the heads of state and government of Non-Aligned Movement linked economic issues with the political agenda of the Non-Aligned Movement and at the 1973 Algiers NAM Summit, new economic concepts emerged which were adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1974 in the form of a New International Economic Order. Monetary, economic and technical assistance to the African states by India, ideological support to NAM and the UN by both India and the African states and subsequent Afro-Asian resurgence laid the basis of a broader framework of South-South cooperation between India and Africa.
The Economic Crisis in Africa
The genesis of sub-Saharan Africa’s economic crisis has both internal and external factors. Due to a mismatch between death and birth rates, the population in African countries grew at the rate of 2.1 per cent in 1950 to more than 3 per cent in 1980s. The population explosion had a cascading effect on the sub-Saharan African societies. It expanded the labour force faster than it created new jobs, strained food supplies and ecological life support systems, and entrenched malnourishment, ill health and illiteracy. While a few African governments supported population control, the cycle of drought, famine and starvation became regular features for many sub-Saharan African societies. The agricultural output and food production has been on a decline in the sub-Saharan African states since 1960s7and by 1985 food output approximated 1.4 per cent against over 3 per cent growth rate of population. Agriculture accounts for nearly 65 per cent of the total exports and employs 75 per cent of the economically active population in Africa and with decreasing economic growth rate, food import bill for African states rose from $11.9 billion to $12.4 billion between 1970 and 1985. Lack of modernization of production techniques, existence of large-subsistence sector, faulty governmental policies in regard to agricultural pricing, research, marketing and experimentation in farming have been sighted as reasons for stagnation in agricultural and food production. The 1987 drought in Africa reminded policy-makers that it would not be possible to achieve economic and social progress without solving agricultural problems.
The problem of depleting forests and woodlands in African condition is closely connected with population growth which is forced to over-exploit local forest resources beyond their regenerative capacity. The growing population pressures on land have removed trees and groves needed to maintain soil moisture and protect it from erosion.8 The shrinkage of forests, loss of soils due to erosion, over-grazing of grasslands, use of cow dung and crop residues as alternative sources of fuel, have led to drying out of agricultural land and have affected the weather cycle. In order to arrest deforestation, Africa requires substantial financial support from the international community.
African states need to industrialize and modernize their economies, the cost of which would be met from export of minerals and raw materials.9 African economies have been linked to former colonial powers for the purpose of trade, aid and assistance in post-Independence period. While continued linkages with the metropolitan economies helped in attaining more than 3 per cent average annual growth rate in the 1960s and early 1970s, lack of dynamic self-sustained and self-reliant framework began to hurt many sub-Saharan African states in the post-oil crisis period. The prolonged recessionary trends witnessed in the Western economies due to the oil crisis of 1974 reduced the demand for raw materials. Subsequent lowering of international prices of raw materials hurt the African governments, which were dependent on the export trade for financing their industrialization programmes. While oil exporting states increased their revenue through hikes in prices of crude oil, the bank and companies in the West were flooded with excess petro-dollars deposited by oil producing states. The African states took the easy option out of this difficult situation and accepted recycling of petro-dollars in the form of loans to meet the short-fall in their balance of trade. Between 1973–74 and 1982–83, the external debts to African economies rose by around 22 per cent per annum, a rate much higher than the GDP growth rate or export growth rate achieved by the African states during the period. The total external debt as a percentage of GDP rose from 54 per cent in 1986 to 81 per cent in 1995. Africa has largest number of low income group of countries, several of whom have total external debt exceeding their total GDP.10 The heavy indebtedness of African states have put pressure on the monetary resources which are diverted to servicing of debt. The average annual growth rate in case of sub-Saharan African states declined from 3.8 per cent in 1970—80 to 1.4 per cent in 1990–1995. The declining economic growth rate and heavy external loans to meet the needs of the population, have led to more outflows of funds from Africa in terms of net purchases and interest charges than those received by it.
Indo-African Political and Economic Relations
While African states were caught in a web of economic crises, the South–South cooperation in the 1970s did not get off the ground due to the Eurocentric orientation of African economies and India’s inability to provide financial support to the supply of intermediate range technology. However, the concept was endorsed at Lagos in 1980 as part of the African resolve for collective self-reliance in economic matters. India has trade relations with more than 40 African countries, excluding French-speaking Africa. However, on close examination of India’s export–import trade figures with Africa, one finds that there are large numbers of countries outside India’s trading arrangements. Out of the 40 countries with whom India had trading relations in the 1980s, 78 per cent of India’s export was sent to only 11 countries and on the import front 70 per cent of India’s import from Africa came from eight African countries.
In the early 1970s, India’s export trade with Africa was mostly in traditional items, and its imports from Africa consisted of raw materials. Composition of India’s trade with Africa during the mid-1970s underwent a change and non-traditional items such as engineering goods, iron and steel, chemical, pharmaceuticals and cosmetics began to increase their share in the total exports to Africa. On the political front, in the 1970s India supported African states in the UN and nonaligned forums. The support to UN resolutions on decolonization of South and Southern Africa, and the setting up of the Africa Fund went hand in hand with setting up joint ventures, training of African students under Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programmes and providing most favoured nation status to some African states for trading purposes with India. India had earned considerable African goodwill through setting up of nearly 60 joint ventures in Kenya, Mauritius Tanzania and Nigeria and helped to build infrastructure such as railway lines and providing wagons and coaches.
The democratic ethos in India and Africa have undergone simultaneous deterioration. While the political climate in African conditions have alternated between democratic freedoms and authoritarian rule, the Indian political scene has witnessed a prolonged period of coalition governments, repeated elections, rise of communal and fundamentalist forces within and outside India and the deterioration of the regional security environs. While the 1974 oil crisis had highlighted the need for a self-reliant strategy of economic growth in Africa, the corruption and political non-accountability of ruling classes, ethnic and transborder conflicts have further added to the economic burden. India’s performance has also suffered due to the deterioration of political parties, increasing role of money power, corruption, and entry of underground mafias in the state and central legislatures.
Africa in Post-Cold War Period
The African continent has been seriously affected by the end of the Cold War and the break up of the Soviet Union. Reduction in Cold War tensions and the elimination of Cold War-related conflicts in the African continent have affected the political vocabulary of elites. There is now only one superpower and only one source of aid left to which African states have to turn to in times of crisis. During the last two decades several unsuccessful efforts have been made by regional and international organizations and financial agencies to find a way out of the African development impasse. The end of the Cold War has marginalized African states from the global economy and has made them vulnerable to the demands of the international funding agencies under the control of the Western countries.
The dismal economic growth rate of African states, inadequate development of infrastructure, lack of industrialization and skilled manpower, and lack of political and administrative transparency have affected the foreign direct investment (FDI) and investing of management skills and technology in Africa at a time when these are most needed to boost the economic growth and reduce the debt burden. The region-wise analysis of the FDI flows indicate that Africa’s share of the FDI has declined from 31.2 per cent in 1970 to 4.5 per cent in 1998, and in comparison that of Asia and the Pacific region has increased from 13 per cent to 46.3 per cent during the same period. The international capital has become a highly mobile commodity under the process of globalization, and it has a tendency to bypass Africa and go to the most rewarding regions which are at present located in Asia Pacific and Central and Eastern Europe.
In the contemporary phase of fast-track globalization and intense interdependence the Indian and African states have to cooperate at bilateral and multilateral levels. Besides democracy and open markets, establishment of regional groupings for economic integration is crucial to achieve higher economic growth in Africa and South Asia.
Relevance of Democratization and Regional Economic Cooperation in Africa
In 1989 Africa had only nine multiparty states. Though most African states had emerged as democracies from colonial rule, only three in North Africa, two in West Africa, three in Southern Africa and an island state of Mauritius had survived as electoral democracies by 1980. The adoption of the democratic option by the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries made authoritarian or one-party rule unpopular. The worldwide trend of democratization or the transition away from authoritarian rule reached African shores due to the insistence of donor countries/institutions that African states must democratize their political set up and undertake economic reforms in order to entitle them to financial assistance. By October 1997—within a span of eight years—there were 41 functioning multiparty states out of 53 states on the African continent. Of the remaining 12 non-democratic states, leadership resisted changes and opted for maintenance of non-party status quoin five11 and manother seven12 transition to democratic rule was interrupted and authoritarian rule was imposed. From 1997 to 2007 each and every African state has adopted democracy as a principle of good governance.
The majority of the African states consist of multiethnic population and therefore liberal multiparty democracy provides opportunity to every group to participate in the development process.13 African societies need to modernize quickly and for which education is essential. It is believed that without proper training and education Africa would not be able to enter the modern technological world. While democratic rule sustains itself on social forces encapsulated in modernization, once installed democratic rule produces higher literacy rates, higher value-added exports, increasing per capital incomes and reducing inequalities between social classes. If African states have to survive in the modern world, they must have continued economic growth and reduced income inequality through proper education of its people.
International financial bodies had located the causes of rapid economic decline of the Third World countries and specifically those in the African continent in terms of too much state control and regulations, economic mismanagement, corrupt political and economic practices and imprecise development of the democratic processes. Adoption of democracy and open markets during the last one decade has helped several African states such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Mozambique, Mauritius, Botswana, South Africa, Ghana, Nigeria on higher economic growth.
Regional organizations were established by the Western powers as part of Cold War strategy in the 1950s to maintain security of the Third World countries. The European powers at the end of the Second World War established a regional organization for promoting economic cooperation between them. The establishment of regional organization between the nation-states for economic and military purposes is validated by the UN Charter. The Cold War penetrated and divided African nationalist leadership in the 1950s and the worried African elites established Organisation of African Unity (OAU)—a continental level regional organisation—to promote peace and cooperation between independent African states, and unite them to fight forces of colonialism, imperialism and racism in Africa. The OAU was assisted by the UNO in its efforts to promote economic cooperation between the African states through the setting up of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.
In June 1991 OAU meeting of heads of states and governments of African states held at Abuja, Nigeria decided to establish Pan-African Economic Community which will aim at achieving structural change through the phased removal of the barriers to intra-African trade, strengthen regional economic groupings and promote Africa-wide economic integration by the year 2025.
New Directions in Indo-African Cooperation
The Indian population in various African countries is above one million. They are economically and educationally well equipped to help African economies emerge out of the darkness. For example, Indians returning to Uganda in response to Museveni’s appeal has played no uncertain role in Uganda’s status as the fastest growing African economy. Indians in Uganda, Kenya, South Africa and several other places constitute middle level entrepreneurs and provide skilled manpower for economic growth. Their presence in several African countries as intermediaries could help Indian goods and capital to penetrate into hinterland once the process of trade liberalization in Africa takes place through removal of customs and tariff barriers. The Indian ministry of commerce has launched the Africa Focus programme for promoting India’s trade and commerce with Africa. As a result of this India’s trade with Africa has significantly increased during the last five years.
In the 21st century India is seen as a source of technology and products that are often more affordable and appropriate for African conditions, of managerial skills, and even of concessional finance to bridge the resource gap. During 2006 India received high-level visitors from Gabon, Mauritius, Angola, DR Congo, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, Benin, Ethiopia, South Africa, Namibia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Mozambique, Eritrea and other African states. There are several outstanding examples of India’s technical and financial collaboration with African states: the establishment of machine tools factory in Nigeria, the Kofi Annan Centre for Excellence in IT in Ghana, the IT park in Mauritius and the Entrepreneurship Training and Development Centre in Senegal; the agricultural assistance package comprising 60 tractors and associated equipment to Cameroon, Benin and DR Congo; emergency foodgrains assistance to Chad Guinea; medical supplies to Cote divoire, Guinea, Niger, and the Gambia; and pumps, tents and other relief supplies to Senegal. Besides these, Indian buses have brought about a transformation in the urban transport in Dakar, Abidjan, and Kinshasa, while the Green Revolution in Mali and Senegal was spurred by the launch of a tractor assembly plant and a supply of 300 tractors, and launching of the $27 million irrigation project. In Chad, India has supplied a cotton yam plant, it is building military barracks in Sierra Leone and a pipeline and a power plant in Sudan.
The Indian president and the prime minister have visited Mauritius, South Africa, met top African leaders and addressed African Union parliament. President Abdul Kalam has offered a medicine project to the African states. The five African sub-regions are working towards greater economic integration and India has moved to establish an institutional relationship with these key economic subregional groupings. India has initiated a dialogue with the 11-member Economic Community for Central Africa (ECCAS), and 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). India Southern African Development Community (SADC) forum links India with 14 countries of Southern Africa. India has signed a PTA and a comprehensive economic partnership agreement with Mauritius and envisages a PTA with Southern African Customs Union (SACU). The first ministerial summit with 20 member COMESA (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa) was held in October 2006.
Further Readings
Anirudha Gupta, ‘Ugandan Asians, Britain, India and the Commonwealth’, African, Affairs (London), Vol. 73, No. 292 (July 1974).
Aderolili, Rose, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa and Globalization’, Mimeographed Paper, 22nd Annual/International Conference of AFSAAP, November 1999.
Africa Institute of South Africa, Africa at a Glance 1997–8, Tables 24, 36,37, 56, 57 (10th Edition) South Africa.
Biswas, Aparajita, Indo-Kenyan Political and Economic Relations (Delhi, 1992).
Breytenbach, Willie, ‘Economy, Literacy and Ethnic Structures in Africa: Correlations with Democracy Explained’, Africa Insight (South Africa), Vol. 28, Nos 3–4,1998.
Chikulo, Bornwell C., ‘Debt and Development in Africa: Problems and Prospects’, Mimeographed Paper, 22nd Annual Internatioanl Conference of AFSAAP, November 1999.
Cornwell, Richard, ‘Africa Focus’, Africa Insight (South Africa), Vol. 26, No. 2, 1996.
Das, Anil Kumar, ‘Dynamics of Democracy in Uganda’, occasional paper series, Centre for African Studies, University of Mumbai, 1999.
Dubey, Ajay Kumar,‘Indo-African Economic Relations (1965—85): A Case of South-South Cooperation’, Africa Quarterly (New Delhi), Vol. 27, Nos 3–4, 1987–88.
Loots, Elasbe, ‘Foreign Direct Investment Flows to African Countries: Trends, Determinants and Future Prospects’, Mimeographed Paper, 22nd Annual/International Conference of AFSAAP, November 1999.
Gupta, Anirudha, ‘A. Note on India’s Attitudes to Africa’, African Affairs (London), Vol. 68, No. 275, April 1970, pp.170–78.
——,‘India andfrica South of Sahara’, in Bimla Prasad (ed.), India’s Foreign Policy (New Delhi, 1974).
Indian National Congress, Resolutions on Foreign Policy, 1947–1966 (New Delhi, 1966).
Mazrui, Ali A., Africa’s International Relations (Boulder, Colorado: 1977).
Melkote, Rama S. (ed.), Regional Organisations: A Third World Perspective (New Delhi, 1990).
Mishra, K.P., ‘Recognition of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic’, Political Studies, Vol. 10 (Oxford, 1962), pp. 130–45.
Nehru, Jawaharlal, India’s Foreign Policy (New Delhi, 1961).
Nkrumah, Kwame, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (New York: 1957).
Ramchandani, R.R., ‘Africa’s Debt Problem and Economic Recovery Programme: Some Related Issues, Africa Quarterly, Vol. 27, Nos 3–4, New Delhi, (1987–88).
——,India Africa Relations: Issues and Policy Options, Vol. 2 (Delhi: 1990).
——, ‘Structural Adjustment vs Structural Transformation: The Case of Sub-Saharan Africa’s Developing Dilemma Africa Quarterly (New Delhi), Vols 31–32, 1991–92.
Sheth, V.S., ‘Changing Patterns of Cooperation Between India and Sub-Saharan Africa: Some Reflections’, in Usha Thakkar and Mangesh Kulkarni (eds), India Towards 21st Century (Bombay, 1999).
Singh, Harjinder, ‘Economic Crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Africa Quarterly (New Delhi), Vol. 26, Nos 2–4, (1986–87).