Moral Rules

Societies have developed various kinds of social rules, such as legal rules, or even the rules of etiquette, that act as a framework or guide to behaviour. Moral rules and legal requirements have a very close relationship, but they are not necessarily synonymous. The ‘race laws’ in the US, or the ‘apartheid laws’ in South Africa, were eventually perceived to be so immoral that the only moral course was to disobey them. Clearly, in all societies, a majority of people accept that they should adhere to certain fundamental moral rules. Breaking these rules will meet with sanctions of various kinds, from disapproval and ostracism to, in certain cases, legal penalties. Moral rules help to structure social relations and many of the decisions that individuals and businesses make must take account of them.

Ethical Theories

Ethical theories, which argue that it is possible to know right from wrong, can be divided into two groups. There are those, such as utilitarianism, that assess moral right and wrong in terms of the consequences of actions – the consequentionalist perspective – and those, such as Kantianism and ‘rights’ theories, that do not – the non-consequentionalist perspective. From the consequentionalist perspective, the results of actions are assessed to make a moral judgement about those actions. From the non-consequentialist perspective, there is no immediate appeal to beneficial or harmful consequences to determine whether actions were morally right or wrong.

Utilitarianism

Utilitarianism is the notion that an action is right only to the extent that it causes more good than ill to be produced. The classic formulation of this position is that of the English philosophers Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and John Stuart Mill (1806–1873). Bentham and Mill identified utility with happiness. From a utilitarian perspective, actions are right to the extent that they maximise happiness or minimise unhappiness. Bentham was not particularly concerned with the happiness or unhappiness of individuals, the ‘common good’ was what was important. His greatest happiness principle proposes an action can be classified as good when it provides ‘the greatest happiness for the greatest possible number’. Individuals assessing whether an organisation’s actions could be justified from a utilitarian viewpoint must take into account their effect on society.

The common objection to utilitarianism is that it requires the promotion or maximisation of ‘goods’, such as economic growth, in order to achieve utility and permits the sacrificing of individuals and minorities ‘for the greater good’.

This ethic may allow the telling of lies to protect the reputation of the corporation and consequently the jobs of employees. So, for example, if a company was saved from bankruptcy because its image and reputation were enhanced by lies told by company representatives to journalists, this may well be seen as a permissible act. From a utilitarian point of view, the welfare of those human beings whose jobs had been saved is weighed against the breaking of trust with other human beings. However, whose happiness should be taken into account when judging whether an action is morally right?

Deontology: An Ethic of Duty

Non-consequentionalist ethics argue that it is motivation, rather than consequences that is the determining factor in deciding whether actions are ethical or not. This perspective is generally referred to as deontological, from the Greek word for duty (deon), and is a doctrine that is primarily associated with the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804). Kant argues that some actions are morally obligatory regardless of their consequences. According to Kant, an act is carried out from a sense of duty when it is performed in accordance with what he calls the ‘categorical imperative’. Kant explains this as follows:

Thus an action is only moral if you can make your reason for acting into a rule that everyone can follow (Dienhart 2000: 117–118).

Considering the case of lying to protect the reputation of the company in order to secure jobs, a deontological perspective would suggest first, that you shouldn’t be prepared to act in this way unless you are willing to live in a world where everyone can lie if they think it is justified. Second, lying for your own purposes is also immoral as it treats another human being as a means to getting what you want.

The chief problem is when there is a clash of categorical imperatives. One has a duty never to lie but what if by lying one is fulfilling one’s duty to preserve the life of another human being? A frequently cited example is what do you do when the Gestapo ask you the whereabouts of the Jews you have hidden in your basement (Singer 1979). Kant actually insisted that if a murderer was to ask you the whereabouts of his or her intended victim you had a duty to tell him or her and not break the precept regarding lying.

Universal Rights

Deontology has much in common with theories that proclaim that there are ‘rights’ to which every human being is entitled. To infringe a person’s human rights is to fail to treat them as a being with intrinsic value. This viewpoint adopts the position that individuals and minorities cannot be sacrificed to the common good as this would infringe their human rights.

The foundational assumption of ‘rights’ theories is that over and above mere human law there is an objective moral order, the ‘natural law’, that confers rights on all individuals. The generally agreed list was life, liberty, and sometimes, property. These were proclaimed as ‘natural rights’ bestowed on people by the natural law. They were rights that the sovereign or government could neither grant nor take away; people possessed them by virtue of being human. Governments could rule but they were bound ‘contractually’ to honour these basic rights.

John Locke (1632–1714) developed this into a social contract between people to set up and empower a government. This influential concept has been enshrined in various ‘declarations’, from the United States’ ‘Declaration of Independence’ (1776) and the French ‘Declaration of the Rights of Man’ (1789) to Article 1 of the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ which states: ‘All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.’

Again, problems arise when two different ‘rights’ clash. In the case of lying to protect the reputation of the company and therefore jobs, how does one weigh the ‘right’ to work against the ‘right’ of people to be told the truth?

All of the classic ethical theories have inherent problems and it is fair to conclude that none of them seem satisfactory unless they are qualified by each other. Chryssides and Kaler (1993: 103) note:

Cultural Relativism

Some perspectives on business ethics reject the idea that there are ‘objective’ standards of right and wrong. Pearson (1989) offers an argument that places public relations at the centre of efforts to construct a business ethic. According to this view, all ‘truths’ emerge out of a process of negotiation and debate. There are no objective standards of right and wrong, only subjective views, shaped by the social and cultural environment, on what constitutes right and wrong. This view contains the suggestion that public relations, as it plays ‘the central role in corporate communication’ also ‘plays the major role in managing the moral dimension of corporate conduct’ (1989: 111). This is similar to Grunig and Hunt’s (1984) two-way symmetrical model.

However, there are several issues here that need to be resolved. First, the issue of ‘power’ seems to be largely ignored. It might be possible to think of a situation where all relevant groups are represented regarding an issue but it is difficult to imagine a situation where all the participants will be accorded equal status. The process of dialogue has to stop somewhere and a resolution to which everyone agrees might not be possible. A decision might have to be made that is only in the interests of the majority.

Varieties of Moral Ethos

Snell (1993) builds on Kohlberg’s models of individual moral development and relates it to organisations. He suggests that punishment avoidance is the lowest stage, where obeying those in authority is a guide to how to behave. Next, people may try and maximise their own personal advantage. Stage three shows an awareness of what others might approve of, and ‘One gets things done by reading the unwritten rules’ (1993: 89). Next, we might be aware of what those in our profession or organisation might approve of and decisions are subject to rules and regulations, laws or professional codes of conduct. Stage five is ‘principled’, where the organisation acts in a utilitarian way to produce the greatest happiness. At this stage, the organisation may take account of ecology and justice. Finally, the ‘philosophical’ stage sees the organisation valuing individual reflection and acting as a member of the world community.

Reidenbach and Robin (1991) also devised a way of analysing corporate behaviour. The amoral organisation has a culture that regards ethical violations as a cost of doing business, and that anything goes as long as one is not caught. A legalistic organisation regards the law as the arbiter of behaviour. They suggest that Nestlé and Philip Morris fit into this bracket. A responsive organisation may see that ‘ethics pays’ and start to encourage a more ‘responsible citizen’ attitude. However, at this stage, profit is still the main driver. An emerging ethical organisation wants to do the right thing, and a truly ethical organisation has a ‘balanced concern for ethical and economic outcomes’ (1991: 282).

Gregory (2009) discusses several duties that a public relations practitioner should pay attention to. A duty to one’s own value system should come first and then the duty to the client. While practitioners represent organisations, there is no obligation to provide a service if this goes against one’s own moral code. A duty to the public involves bringing all facts into the public domain to allow them to make up their own minds, and a duty to the profession calls for adherence to a common standard of behaviour or code of conduct. Finally, she raises the question of a duty to society’s interests.

Gregory also points out that it may not be possible to serve all these interests at the same time. In 2002 she suggested using Potter’s Box to weigh up conflicting values. This process of ethical reasoning first sets out to analyse the situation and then identify the different values that are important. She used the example of being asked to lie for an employer, and suggested that honesty, integrity and loyalty should be considered. Then the relevant ethical principles should be defined, which may include codes of conduct, the CIPR code, one’s own ethics and any other regulatory issues. Finally, one should prioritise the various stakeholders affected and choose which ones are most important (Gregory 2006: 289–305). While this does not suggest a ‘right’ answer, as she points out, ‘Ethics in public relations is important, complex and challenging’ (Gregory 2009: 288).

Professionalism

The Concise Oxford English Dictionary definition of profession is ‘a vocation or calling, especially one that involves some branch of advanced learning or science’. Some practitioners, who see themselves as creative rather than scientific, have resisted the general feeling that public relations is maturing into a profession. The growth of degrees at both undergraduate and Master’s levels and the development of vocational qualifications have been greeted with suspicion rather than as evidence of professionalism.

Originally, the professions were law and medicine, and were practised by the sons of wealthy landowners after they had been to Oxford or Cambridge universities. Private income was necessary as the professions offered little pay. Later, specialised knowledge became the basis for entry. Elton (1993: 137) suggests the following prerequisites for a profession:

• an underlying discipline or cognitive base;
• a body of practitioners;
• a disciplinary organisation;
• induction, training and licensing of members;
• communication channels between members;
• rewards and sanctions for members;
• self-reflection, leading to improvement;
• professionalism and regulation;
• corporate evaluation and feedback;
• a code of ethics and accountability to the profession;
• corporate accountability to society;
• quality assurance of the profession;
• the ability to ensure high standards of remuneration.

The establishment of professional bodies worldwide has led to the introduction of codes of conduct and calls for regulation of certain parts of the industry, such as lobbyists. The Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR) in the UK is over 67 years old, having been established in 1948 by a group of practitioners, with aims such as ‘to provide a professional structure for the practice of public relations’ and ‘to enhance the ability and status of our members as professional practitioners’. Grunig and Hunt (1984: 4) put forward the view that PR was a young profession and only really started to approach that status in the 1980s:

They continue:

L’Etang and Pieczka (2006a) review the historical development of calls for the professionalisation of public relations. They suggest that this was seen as a way to improve social respectability. They feel that the idea of public relations as the conscience of the organisation sounds moral and alluring, but that ‘The role of public relations is necessarily partisan on behalf of client or employer, which makes it difficult to claim that the function necessarily operates in the public interest’ (2006b: 421). Bowen (2007) disagrees. He suggests that public relations ‘is ideally informed to counsel top management about ethical issues … [they] facilitate trust which enhances the building and maintenance of relationships … the ultimate purpose of the PR function’.

One of the first protocols agreed by the Global Alliance of Public Relations Associations, founded in 2000, was a declaration of principles that stated that a profession’s characteristics included:

• mastery of a particular intellectual skill through education and training;
• acceptance of duties to a broader society than merely one’s clients or employers;
• objectivity;
• high standards of conduct and performance.

The declaration also pledged the Alliance members to conduct themselves with ‘integrity, truth, accuracy, fairness and responsibility to our clients, our client publics and to an informed society’. The Alliance currently comprises 45 member organisations. Its Global Protocol on Ethics in Public Relations is discussed later in this chapter.

In June 2000, the City of London Guild of Public Relations Practitioners was formed with the aims of promoting and maintaining ‘excellence in the practice of our profession’ and to ‘support education and training of practitioners’. While a Guild could be thought of as a retrograde step, harking back to old-fashioned cliques, the Guild felt that ‘since the practice of public relations is an essential activity of all companies … within the City, it seemed entirely appropriate that PR professionals should … [create] their own Livery company’.

In January 2003, the Institute of Public Relations (IPR) was awarded DTI funding to conduct a best practice overview of the UK PR industry. The objectives of the study were both to spotlight best practice and to show how public relations contributed to the national economy and the competitiveness of British industry internationally. The Chair of the IPR-DTI Steering Group, Michael Murphy, stated:

In early 2005, the IPR was awarded its Royal Charter and became the Chartered Institute of Public Relations. (The Institute will henceforward be referred to as the CIPR throughout this chapter.) Director General Colin Farrington (2005) declared that this was ‘an official recognition of the important and influential role that public relations plays in business and society’. He stated that such external third-party approval and endorsement was in the public interest as it indicated a significant degree of government regulation of the Institute. President Chris Genasi (2005) felt that Chartered status showed an ‘emphasis on quality control and standards. It shows rigorous standards exist and are enforced and that we are serious about PR’s future as a respected profession’. He announced a major social impact study intended to demonstrate both ‘how PR makes a difference to the bottom line’ and that ‘our impact is benign and valuable, helping people to make informed choices’.

However, Cornelissen (2009: 168) suggests that an occupation will be seen as a profession only when it is socially valued as such. As we will see, public relations still has some way to go to achieve this condition.

Professionalism?

There are many who regard the drive of public relations towards the status of a profession with extreme cynicism. Corporate Watch (2010) suggests in its latest report on the industry, ‘[this] … demonstrates a clear link between the rise of public relations and the increasing alienation of the public from mainstream politics. [and] … how modern PR, in fact, subverts the fundamentals of democracy’.

Hill and Knowlton’s representation of Citizens for a Free Kuwait, which drew the US into the Gulf War in 1991, has been well documented (Newsom et al. 2000: 59–60). A witness to the congressional hearing was found to have been the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador rather than a disinterested party, as claimed, and stories of Iraqi soldiers taking babies from incubators and leaving them to die were thus considered highly suspect.

PR Watch (www.prwatch.org/prissues/1998Q2) is also scathing about the intentions of practitioners to improve standards.

Cynicism about professional standards is not confined to the public relations industry. Cortese (2002) relates that while more companies are starting to develop ‘sustainability reporting’ on their environmental, health and safety, and social performance, this lacks credibility and is viewed as ‘greenwash’. Rising expectations of stakeholders and how corporations and governments are responding recur in several chapters of this book. McCusker (2006a) suggests that the behaviour of a minority of practitioners is proving disastrous for public relations’ professional reputation. He quotes a study by Texas State University that showed that negative connotations and commentary dominated media reports discussing public relations.

Entry Qualifications

One element of a claim to a professional status is an emphasis on well-qualified practitioners. Years of training are necessary to become a doctor, lawyer or accountant, followed by more years of on-the-job training.

Public relations education is more developed in the US, where university-level courses date from 1920, with early courses in publicity being offered at the University of Illinois and Indiana University. The first PR course was offered in the journalism department of the New York University School of Commerce, Accounts and Finance, taught by Edward Bernays. Courses tended to be part of journalism qualifications, with students able to specialise in PR through taking options. The 1981 Commission on Public Relations Education recommended that the content of undergraduate and postgraduate courses should include mass communications, PR theories, media relations techniques, research methodology, case studies, work placements and PR management (Cutlip et al. 2000: 150). A further commission in 1987 added ethics, law and evaluation to the list (IPRA 1990). This was updated by the work of the Public Relations Education Commission set up by the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) in 1999, which looked at the knowledge and skills that should be included in undergraduate and postgraduate courses. Business context, finance, communication theory and a supervised work placement in practice were felt important at degree stage, with the emphasis shifting to management science and research design at postgraduate level (Commission of PR Education 1999). Bowen (2007) refers to the Commission’s 2006 report which added that a consideration of ethics should pervade all content of public relations education. However, Bowen’s own research for the IABC found that the majority of practitioners had received little academic study or training in ethics, and that 70 per cent felt ill prepared to counsel management on ethical decisions. Coleman and Wilkins (2009) reviewed a small sample of public relations practitioners using the Defining Issues Test (DIT). This is a measure of individual moral development based on Kohlberg’s framework that had been administered to practitioners in several professions. They found that public relations practitioners ranked seventh highest among professionals, and above adults in general.

The International Public Relations Association (IPRA) published guidelines for PR education in 1990. It stated:

The IPRA wheel of education is shown in Figure 5.1.

Achieving Chartered status necessitates having a majority of practitioners with a relevant vocational qualification, as well as an emphasis on continuous professional development (CPD). A number of years ago, the CIPR tightened its entry requirements. From 1992, if they had fewer than ten years’ experience in public relations, all full members had to have a relevant vocational qualification or (since 2000) give a commitment to participating in the CIPR’s CPD scheme.

The CIPR approved six courses in 1989, including vocational, undergraduate, postgraduate and Master’s programmes in the UK. The criteria for approval have been revised and updated, and cover the content of the course, the qualifications and experience of the teaching staff, links with industry, the inclusion of some form of practical work experience and the employment record of those who complete the course. Since then, the number of CIPR-recognised courses has risen to 35 Bachelor’s programmes, and over 20 Master’s provided at over 30 institutions. (A list of CIPR recognised courses is available on www.cipr.co.uk.) On completion of one of these, there is still a requirement for one year’s work experience in PR before full membership is awarded. In addition, in 1998, the CIPR also introduced its own qualifications, the CIPR Advanced Certificate and Diploma, which provide a part-time route to qualification for those who are already working in the profession and who are unable to (or prefer not to) return to full-time education. On completion of the Diploma, a practitioner may progress directly to full membership. These courses are available at several accredited teaching centres both in the UK and overseas (again, details are on the CIPR website). The PRCA have also introduced their own qualifications, a Foundation, Advanced Certificate and Diploma. Each course is modular in structure and the emphasis is on practical skills, working with those who have a grounding in PR and are hoping to progress their careers. The PRCA also run the PR Higher Apprenticeship scheme, which is open to anyone in England over the age of 16 who is not in full-time education. It is aimed at those with A levels or equivalent.

Figure 5.1 IPRA wheel of education

Source: Used by permission of the International Public Relations Association

There are still many in the industry who do not have a relevant qualification, although with the number of graduate entrants rising, there are few who do not have any qualifications at all. It is still possible to enter the profession without a degree but Wolf (2005) notes a 2001 survey that stated that PR was in the top three career choices for graduates. Some consultancies or in-house departments have a specifically designed graduate training scheme in public relations, but often training tends to be ad hoc. The CIPR’s Professional Development and Membership Committee (PDMC) has oversight of all matters impacting on professional development (qualifications and training) and CIPR membership. The Institute is recognised as a major supplier of training to the communications profession, and also approves external employer-based training and development CPD opportunities.

The IPR–DTI report mentioned above concluded that the CIPR ‘should recommend work placements on all its managed and approved public relations undergraduate courses’. In addition, a work placement charter should be developed setting out the requirements and expectations on both sides for all organisations offering such placements.

Despite the changing picture with regard to the education of entrants, Montagu Smith (2006) quotes Simon Anderson, head of corporate communications at M&G as saying: ‘In the long run there is nothing that beats good work experience.’ An article in PR Week celebrating ‘The grads are back’, about graduate recruitment in UK consultancies still contained the opinion that, ‘they look less favourably on a PR degree, which they still deem to be too theoretical’, unlike their regard for English and history degrees – hardly practical courses (H. Gregory 2006). On the other hand, organisations that have relationships with their local degree course often find that they make a huge saving on recruitment advertising and also on training as PR graduates come equipped with practical skills as well as a foundation of relevant theoretical knowledge. Research for the CIPR in 2000 found that 85 per cent of graduates with approved degrees found employment in PR or related industries. Ralph Tench, then Course Leader at Leeds Metropolitan University, pointed out that ‘a history graduate from Oxford does not arrive in the job with an understanding of what it is about. Our graduates are able to start working straight away’ (Montagu Smith 2006).

L’Etang and Pieczka (2006a) suggest that education has been seen as a tool to achieve status, but that there is a reluctance to identify the abstract knowledge required to practice. Thus they feel that the CIPR has always deferred the decision on compulsory qualifications in favour of allowing an experiential route as well, and that the emphasis has been on skills rather than academic rigour.

Research and the Body of Knowledge

There has been a rather uneasy link between academic research, PR theory and practice in the UK, with many practitioners resistant to the idea that PR could be taught. Cutlip et al. (2000: 152) suggest that ‘Few practitioners subscribe to or read the field’s research journals’. The US Commission on Public Relations Education reported:

There are signs that the body of knowledge in PR is growing and that academics and practitioners are more willing to enter into a dialogue, but progress is slow. The professional associations are also taking upon themselves the role of assembling case studies and links to research on their websites. Members of the CIPR, PRCA and PRSA in the US can all search databases of best practice. While the majority of the information is practice-based, the CIPR has a strong academic membership and close ties with UK and overseas centres for learning. CIPR research can be found on the CIPR website. The European Public Relations Education and Research Association (EUPRERA), an association that brings together European academics in the field, supports a variety of academic projects. A Delphi survey was undertaken in 2000 to attempt to draw up a common definition of the practice, although it concluded that ‘it is difficult to find any pattern in the naming of the field’. This research led to further definitions of the practice and parameters of public relations, suggesting that there were four characteristics of European public relations:

• reflective – analysing standards in society to enable the organisation to adjust its own standards;
• managerial – developing plans and maintaining relationships with publics;
• operational – carrying out communication plans;
• educational – helping the members of the organisation to become effective communicators (van Ruler and Vercˇ icˇ 2002).

Professor Betteke van Ruler believes that these are important steps to demonstrate a European approach to the area. ‘We need a European body of knowledge. There is no point in imitating the US way.’ She also thinks that, ‘the general level of academic research on public relations in Europe is too low. I am convinced that more research will lead to an increased professionalism … We all need to be on the same team, whether we are academics or practitioners’ (Hansen 2003: 13).

Cornelissen (2009: 171) suggests that ‘the development of the body of knowledge is the crucial plank in the field’s quest for professional status’. Cornelissen recommends increasing the level of academic research into crucial questions in communication management and greater links between academics and practitioners in order to produce reflective practitioners using research-based knowledge.

Training and Professional Development

Bines and Watson (1992) suggest three models of professional education. The first is apprenticeship or pre-technocratic, where professional education takes place mainly on the job, with some associated learning through day release at a relevant institution. The emphasis is on practical techniques. The technocratic model is more associated with professions and consists of a systematic knowledge base founded on academic disciplines, the application of that base to practice, and supervised placements in practice. This most closely reflects the systems of CIPR-approved courses mentioned above. The third model, or post-technocratic, emphasises professional competence and bridges the gap between education and employment. There is still a debate on what constitutes competence and there are difficulties in identifying the competences needed.

To address the issue of lifelong learning, in April 2000 the CIPR introduced Developing Excellence, a CPD scheme. The updated CIPR scheme (MyCPD) is now an online scheme with over 800 CPD activities listed – many of which are free to access. The CIPR CPD scheme (runs annually 1 March–28 Feb), and while voluntary, aims to encourage members to continue their development by undergoing vocational training, achieving subsequent academic qualifications, participating in the work of the Institute and contributing expertise to public relations students. CEO Alastair McCapra adds:

By ensuring that its members are properly qualified and engaged in current training, the CIPR aims to ensure that they will be professional in their business conduct and that clients and employers will be able to use the standard of membership as an indicator that they are employing a competent practitioner.

Practitioners can log any development activity that improves their PR and business skills and knowledge, supports the development of others or makes a contribution to the development of the PR profession. This can include activities provided by the CIPR, those organised by other providers, or any other activities relevant to professional development. All CIPR workshops carry an indication of the CPD points they have, and the overall structure can be used by both individuals and companies when planning their training requirements. Courses of the Approved Training Providers are also linked to level and subject.

Francis Ingham, PRCA Chief Executive, felt that training was a key issue in staff retention:

In 1998, PRCA members were spending only half a per cent of their payroll on training, whereas management consultants recommend about 8 per cent. By 2013, that figure had risen to 1.2 per cent of permanent staff costs, which translated to an average spend of £750 per employee. Two thirds of this was spent on external courses.

The area of training and development was one that was highlighted in the IPR–DTI study. Less than half of consultancies and in-house departments had formal training and development programmes and it was felt that there was a ‘need for public relations practitioners to be more capable across a wide range of competency areas’ (IPR 2003: 4). There was a need for a ‘more rigorous approach to training and skill acquisition, particularly management skills at middle and senior levels’ (ibid.: 7). There was a lack of appreciation of the need for planning, research and evaluation (PRE) skills, which it was felt was holding the profession back from being seen as a strategic rather than tactical discipline.

The Guild of PR Practitioners is developing a mentoring programme for senior practitioners, and the PRCA also has a similar scheme. In 2005, Cowlett (2005) stated that while places on training courses were up by 20 per cent, consultancies took up fewer than a third of places. By 2010, Francis Ingham felt the situation had changed dramatically:

Professional Bodies and Representation

The PRCA is the trade body for consultancies in the UK, and members are companies rather than individuals. It opened membership up to in-house teams in late 2009, and freelancers in 2010. While the CIPR has a Code of Conduct, the PRCA has a Professional Charter and Communications Management Standard that its agency members are obliged to follow. An in-house version is being developed now, at the request of in-house members. We will look at the content of these codes below. One problem with the raising of standards within PR is that these organisations do not represent all of those working in PR in the UK. The CIPR has over 10,500 members, while the PRCA has 400 agency members, and 200 in-house teams, such as Marks & Spencer, Visa, the Metropolitan Police and Royal Mail. This represents another 18,000 practitioners. The PR Census (PRCA, 2013) announced that the industry had grown by over £2 billion since 2011. The survey showed that the PR industry contributed £9.62 billion to the UK economy, and had 62,000 employees. While membership has been increasing, the professional bodies together still account for just 45 per cent of practitioners. The requirements for qualifications and professional and ethical behaviours can only apply to association members.

Other influential professional bodies include the PRSA, which with 22,000 members is the largest association of individual practitioners in the world. It was founded in 1948 by the merger of the National Association of Public Relations Counsel and the American Council on Public Relations. In 1966, the PRSA merged with the American Public Relations Association to form a strong national association. The PRSA signed an agreement with the CIPR in April 2000 that stated the intention of both bodies to cooperate in the fields of professional practice, training and education.

The IPRA was founded in 1955 with only 15 members in five countries. While there are only 305 professional memberships, there are now 9,252 free members registered through LinkedIn, from around 100 countries.

The CIPR is a member of EUPRERA (previously known as the Confédération Européenne des Relations Publiques (CERP), and of the Global Alliance, mentioned above. The PRCA now runs the International Communications Consultants Organisation (ICCO) which has 2,000 member companies in 31 countries.

Codes of Practice

The CIPR Code of Conduct, which was updated after a major consultation in 2000, covers members’ practice of PR; how the practitioner deals with the media, the public, employers, clients and colleagues. The Code emphasises ‘honest and proper regard for the public interest, reliable and accurate information’. The member is required to ‘maintain the highest standards of professional endeavour, integrity, confidentiality, financial propriety and personal conduct’ and to bring neither the Institute nor the profession into disrepute. Professional activities must be conducted with ‘honest and responsible regard for the public interest’, and any conflicts of interest must be declared to clients as soon as they arise. Members must ‘deal honestly and fairly in business’ and ‘never knowingly mislead clients, employers, colleagues and fellow professionals about the nature of representation’.

Members are expected to ‘take all reasonable care to ensure employment best practice’, which includes ‘giving no cause for complaint of unfair discrimination’, and safeguard confidences. Members must also be aware of legislation and regulation in all countries where they practice. Maintaining professional standards specifically encourages members to undertake the Institute’s CPD programme and to encourage employees and colleagues to become members also. The Code sets out a highly detailed process governing complaints relating to professional conduct.

The PRCA’s Professional Charter covers similar ground, and indeed many of the clauses are identical. The Charter is written with its member consultancies in mind. Terms can be negotiated on the basis of the complexity of the issue and the difficulties associated with its completion; the specialised skills needed and the time to be spent; the amount of documentation needed; the place and circumstances where the work is to be carried out; and the value of the task to the client. Accuracy, openness about interests and regard to the public interest are also stressed. The PRCA has specific codes that relate to investor relations, health care and parliamentary advice, which are in addition to the provisions of the Professional Charter. The specifics of these codes are concerned with the particular environments and sensitivities that exist. There are recommendations for those in investor relations about dealing with price-sensitive information. Health care professionals are directed to legislation and other relevant codes, and must ensure balanced and accurate information is given. Public affairs practitioners have an extensive code that relates to their conduct towards MPs and clients. Both the CIPR and the PRCA gave evidence to a series of Parliamentary Committees on Standards in Public Life (see below). This led to the establishment of the UK Public Affairs Council (UKPAC) comprising the PRCA, CIPR and APPC.

The Global Alliance agreed in April 2003 that all member associations would standardise their codes of ethics by the end of 2005. The 2009 Annual Report stated that ‘a majority’ of members had filed the necessary certification. All new members are expected to certify their compliance with the code within 12 months of joining. The minimum elements that are to be included are:

• an obligation to protect and enhance the profession;
• to be informed about practices that ensure ethical conduct;
• to actively pursue professional development;
• to define what public relations can and cannot accomplish;
• to counsel members on ethical decision making;
• a requirement that members observe the recommendations of the Protocol.

Clauses on advocacy, honesty, integrity, expertise and loyalty are also required. The Global Alliance is set to review the Code of Ethics and update advice and case studies on the website at the end of 2015.

The IPR–DTI study recommended that the CIPR should set up a UK Public Relations Industry Corporate Social Responsibility Report and, together with the PRCA, improve communication of industry ethics and promote their ethical clauses (IPR 2003: 6).

Tobin (2004) points out that, despite these ideals, the CIPR is not a judicial body and has no teeth legally. UK business culture prefers voluntary codes of practice to legislation.

Regulation of Practice

Both associations have committees to which complaints can be made if a breach of the codes of conduct is discovered. In 2014, four complaints were resolved by the CIPR’s informal conciliation service, and two members were expelled following summary hearings by the Professional Standards Panel. A further three full hearings were held by the Professional Standards Panel, as a result of which one member was expelled, one was given a reprimand and one was found to have no case to answer. Another five complaints are on-going and six complaints were withdrawn. Four enquiries were received about practitioners who were not members of the CIPR. Most of the problems that the PRCA committee has had to investigate have been cases resulting from poor systems of consultancy management, rather than problems of bad behaviour or ethics. To remedy this, the Communications Management Standard (CMS) was devised and, by the end of 2000, all PRCA members had to conform to it or be disqualified from membership. In 2003, the CMS was revised and now all new members must complete the process within 12 months of being admitted. There are eight elements in the CMS, and member consultancies must score at least 50 per cent in each section to pass with an overall score of 75 per cent. The first element concerns the business plan, the next financial systems. Other sections cover audited accounts, adherence to the Professional Charter and campaign evaluation. Client satisfaction must be measured and service delivery monitored. A commitment to training and development is also included. Essentially, the CMS combines elements of both the ISO 9000 benchmark and IP standards. Quality management, management responsibility, resource management and measurement, and analysis and improvement are stressed. In addition, consultancies are reassessed every two years to ensure that they are keeping up with the standards set. The CMS has now been adopted by 15 countries, franchised from PRCA via ICCO to national associations.

Some of the problem has lain with the question of professional competence. ‘Too many PR consultancies still fit the stereotype of being excellent, creative outfits, but lacking in business skills. The CMS is designed deliberately to address that issue,’ says Francis Ingham. ‘Years ago the PRCA and the IPR were old boys’ clubs, now that is long gone. A lot of people have put a lot of work into developing professional standards, and we are committed to upholding them.’

In November 2013, the CIPR Council voted to amend its regulatory structure. The Professional Practices Committee would continue to advise Council on policy regarding the regulation of professional standards, but members would no longer participate in the disciplinary process. The Professional Standards Panel would be formed from the wider membership and with lay members, to act as a pool from which hearings panel members could be drawn and to discharge the functions of Council in respect of the disciplinary process, e.g. ‘conciliation’ (negotiating an informal resolution of complaints). It would also make recommendations to the Professional Practices Committee about the issues relevant to the Complaints Procedure.

Lukaszewski (2010) pointed out on the PRSA website that codes were ‘aspirational, educational, procedural practice guidance’, and that legislation was required to force compliance. He raised the question, ‘Do we want to be known for the numbers of practitioners we try to kick out each year, or by the thousands of practitioners we help to be more ethical and professional?’ Horrox (2010) felt that complaints mostly arose from disappointment, when clients had been promised more than was delivered. In September 2014, the PRSA ran an Ethics Month with several events online, including blogging, tweet chats, a Google+ hangout and a webinar entitled, ‘Lessons learned outside the classroom’. An Ethical Standards Advisory was also published (PRSA, 2014) on the increased blurring of lines between editorial and advertising. The use of digital media had caused a growth in content sponsorship deals, with the difference between editorial comment and paid-for content not always being made clear. Recommended best practices included full disclosure of sponsored content, in an appropriate and clearly discernible way.

The question of compulsory registration and licensing has long been debated. In 1993, Bernays was a proponent of licensing of practitioners in the US as a way to enhance credibility (Cornelissen 2004). However, a benchmarking exercise carried out by the Global Alliance in 2004 called for standardisation to be resisted (O’Connor and Falconi 2004). Global general principles and local specific applications were recommended rather than rules and constraints affecting practice. Tobin (2004) regarded the drive for Chartered status as effectively self-regulation and that licensing could both extend membership of the professional institutions and improve credibility of practitioners. However, Molleda and Alhassan’s (2006) work on licensing in Brazil, Nigeria and Panama found that the licensing process was bureaucratic and that practitioners used other titles to avoid regulation. The law tended to be violated without punishment and there was still a problem of ‘quacks’ giving the profession a bad name. Even Bernays (1992) had admitted that licensing did not ensure competence.

In the past some have claimed that the problem may often lie with clients or employers. Jane Wilson, then CEO of CIPR, felt that individual practitioners needed to take responsibility.

The CIPR consulted the Department of Education and Skills to develop a framework for Chartered Public Relations Practitioner status, which it introduced in 2008, its sixtieth anniversary year. The process of achieving such status involves three stages, including a detailed application form on which the applicant sets out how they have achieved the criteria of strategic counsel, leadership, learning, innovation and communication. The final stage requires the submission of a 3–4,000 word piece of critical reflection. At the time, Jane Wilson stated:

To date there are 49 Chartered Practitioners.

Credibility of Practitioners

‘Honesty begins at home. It is synonymous with trust and trust is the lubricant that makes our practice function.’ Despite this aspiration, John Budd (1994: 5) relates the example of Hill and Knowlton chief, Robert Dilenschneider, who in 1988 warned against:

We have already noted Hill and Knowlton’s involvement in questionable campaigns above. The conduct and regulation of lobbyists has been a key issue in raising questions about the ethical conduct of those engaged in public affairs. Back in 1956, Tim Traverse Healey warned that ‘the further development of public relations depends on the confidence of the community in the integrity of our practitioners’ (quoted in Budd 1994: 4). In the run-up to the UK general election in 1997 a number of MPs lost their seats as a result of revelations in the media that some firms had allegedly been involved in paying them to raise questions in the House, while Ian Greer Associates, a long-standing firm of lobbyists, was forced out of business. Subsequently, one of Labour’s parliamentary aides, Derek Draper, was accused of boasting that he could secure access to ministers for those who wanted to make their case. He was forced to resign. The various cases caused a media frenzy about ‘spin doctors’ and lobbyists, with calls for more regulation and slurs cast upon public relations practitioners of all kinds, not just those engaged in public affairs.

In October 1994, the then Prime Minister, John Major, set up the Committee on Standards in Public Life under Lord Nolan. Its first report recommended a ban on advocacy by MPs on behalf of companies and organisations with which they had a paid relationship.

The Committee continued under the new Labour government with Lord Neill as chair. Submissions were made to the Neill Committee by the CIPR, the PRCA and the Association of Professional Political Consultants (APPC). The three bodies adopted supplementary and virtually identical codes to govern practice in this area. The APPC also made clear that its members were not permitted to have financial arrangements with members of parliament or peers.

The Public Administration Select Committee (PASC) published its report on Lobbying: Access and influence in Whitehall in December 2008, recommending that a public register of lobbyists should be created. The first meeting of the UKPAC took place in July 2010, with representatives from the three trade bodies and three independent members. Also in July, Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg announced that legislation would be introduced to make the register statutory. Currently, only the CIPR and APPC are still members of UKPAC, and members of these associations must register their activities and public affairs clients. In June 2012, UKPAC announced plans to open up its register to all those who lobby.

However, back in February 2007, in the PR Week Ethics Debate, when the motion ‘PR has a duty to tell the truth’ was defeated, the editor, Danny Rogers, paradoxically commented, ‘the fact that PR people admit they need to lie occasionally is a sign of growing honesty and confidence in what they do’ (Rogers 2007). Booth (2010) suggested that London was the reputation laundering capital of choice and that public relations firms were earning millions of pounds by promoting foreign regimes with the worst human right records. Lord Bell (2005) defended his company’s work by saying, ‘I am not an international ethics body. We do communications work. If people want to communicate their argument we take the view that they are allowed to do so.’ CIPR President Jay O’Connor (2010) pointed out that organisations had the right to present a viewpoint and practitioners could effect change for the good by engaging with them. However, they had to ‘be prepared to walk if it can’t be done’.

The question of honesty is recurrent. In 2012, Roy Greenslade asked, ‘Have you ever been lied to by a PR?’ He stated, ‘In my experience, PRs have not lied but several of them have been extremely economical with the truth.’ This caused a rapid response from Gerard Corbett (2012), then chair and CEO of the PRSA. He felt that ‘while ethical transgressions do occur, those incidents are isolated’. He called for a closer scrutiny of PR professionals work by their peers, and added, ‘As a profession, public relations must uphold the principles of truth and accountability, which are vital to building trust and credibility with all stakeholders.’ He admitted that this was ‘a lofty goal’.

Professional or Not?

In conclusion, PR possesses several of the prerequisites to be considered a profession, and the professional bodies show a clear desire to address the issues of entry, training and conduct of practitioners. Cutlip et al. (2000: 148) state: ‘to qualify as a profession, practitioners – both individually and collectively – must act as moral agents in society.’

This message must also be communicated to the relevant stakeholders. The DTI report concluded that there was an opportunity for public relations practitioners to change their role to that of strategic advisers, although there was much work to be done on improving practitioners’ competences.

When presenting at the PRIA conference in 2007, the author suggested that the answer to the questions, ‘Can public relations ever be a profession? And does it matter?’ should be ‘No’ and ‘No’. However, as past CIPR Director Colin Farrington said, ‘There is nothing which detracts from the basic view that people should behave professionally, and I think we all know what that means.’ Bowen (2007: 67) added a quote from Plato, ‘Good people do not need laws to tell them to act responsibly, while bad people will find a way round the laws.’